Sapir & Golla 2001: 731; Golla 1996: 3; Golla 1970: 240. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus) / completely'. Morphologically unclear. Cf. ʔah-tʼin-eː ‘everything, everywhere’ [Sapir & Golla 2001: 731].

Not attested.

Goddard 1912: 128. Cf. such examples as: "All the people slept, ... all the grizzlies drowned, ... all the elks drowned, ...." [Goddard 1909: 83 No. 4, 6-7]. Exact semantics and application as well as the morphological structure are unclear.

Jacobs 1968: 184. Attested in the passage "All (kʰʷai) those (Klamath) people shot at him - they say, but he dodged all (kʰʷai) of them too" [Jacobs 1968: 184 No. 6]. Exact semantics and application are unknown.

Kari 2007: 326. Glossed as 'all, everything, everyone'.

Kari 2007: 326; Boraas 2010: 43. Glossed as 'all, everything, everyone'.

Kari 2007: 326; Wassillie 1979: 4. Glossed as 'all, everything, everyone'. In [Wassillie 1979], two Inland forms for 'all' are quoted: tʼančʼqʼu and ɬuqʼu.

Kari 2007: 326. Glossed as 'all, everything, everyone'.

Kari 1990: 392, 477.

    Lower Ahtena: cʰikʸ-ceʔ [Kari 1990: 392, 477].

    Western Ahtena: cʰikʸ-ceʔ [Kari 1990: 392, 477].

Kari 1990: 392, 477.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 50, 140. Innovative pronunciation: házõ̀ː. Glossed as 'all, everyone, everywhere'; polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'; used both attributively and non-attributively. Morphologically unclear.

    Distinct from hṍtʼìː, glossed as 'all' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 51], which seems more marginal (the only example is non-attributive: "Give them all to me").

Rice 1978: 565; Rice 1989: 261. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. The second element is apparently the noun-like adjective -yúné 'old', as in cʼé-yúnéʔ 'old woman' [Rice 1978: 103].

    Distinct from specific hóɣàrè ~ ʔéɣàrè 'all, entire (of time period)' [Rice 1978: 560, 565; Rice 1989: 266].

Arnold et al. 2009: 43. Polysemy: 'all (totus) / all (omnis)'; glossed as 'all (objects), entire, everything'. Cf. the human plural form xú=né=l=tʼêː-y 'all (people)' with the rare human plural suffix -y [Holton 2000: 157 f.]. Nominalized verbal form with the root =tʼèh 'to be' [Arnold et al. 2009: 53] and the areal prefix xu= [Holton 2000: 234 ff.].

Milanowski 2009: 20, 66. Provided with the example: "All the people are praying". Morphologically unclear.

Kari 1994: 309; Tuttle 2009: 3. Used adverbially, glossed as 'all, entirely, whole, completely, everyone', thus with polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. A verbal derivative from =t^θʰǝk 'to be whole' (not documented outside this expression) plus the enclitic -cʼǝnʔ 'in the manner of, -ly' [Kari 1994: 299]. Cf. the examples: "we are all looking at him", "and all of their language and all of their deeds, however, are being written down now" [Kari 1994: 309], "We all went hunting last fall", "I ate it all" [Tuttle 2009: 3].

Poser 1998/2013: 508, 594; Poser 2011a: 25; Antoine et al. 1974: 237. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. This is the generic form. Cf. other forms applicable to various objects: human c̪ʼiya-n-ne, locative c̪ʼiya-tʌn, abstract c̪ʼiya-xʷ (see the numerals 'two' and also 'one' for the same inflection). Derived from the adverb c̪ʼiya 'entirely' [Poser 1998/2013: 508].

Jetté & Jones 2000: 574; Jones 1978: 10. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. Derived from the adjective tǝ=ƛʰǝk-ǝʔ 'entirely, everything' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 574] (fossilized verbal form) + suffixal -cʼǝnʔ 'in a direction, in a manner' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 665].

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 53. Morphologically unclear. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. Cf. some examples: "family (lit.: all his relations)", "Invite all of them", "Beaver, muskrat, and foxes all have lodges", "Say it all again", "She swept the whole house" [Taff et al. 2007], "All the young men of the village tried hard to get her" [Chapman 1914: 109], "He smeared the whole parka with the rest of the found fat" [Chapman 1914: 119].

    Distinct from eːtǝ ~ eːtǝ-t with polysemy 'all (totus) / every', glossed as 'completely, entirely' in [Kari 1978: 53] and as 'every' in [Taff et al. 2007] with the examples: "I'll go to see you every evening" [Taff et al. 2007], "Though I have been looking all over the world" [Chapman 1914: 140].

    Distinct from χʊ=ɬ=t^θʰǝg 'entire, whole' [Kari 1978: 53; Chapman 1914: 224]. Cf. the example: "All the village people have their wives, except my brother" [Chapman 1914: 107].

Cook 1984: 77. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / all (totus)'. Cf. some examples: "All his dogs he tied up. All the trees were lighted up" [Goddard 1915: 249], "all of the people", "all of the food" [Cook 1984: 77].

    The root ƛʰa can represent the numeral 'one' q.v.: ƛʰì-kʼ-āzá 'one', ƛʰɒ̀-ná 'one (person)', ƛʰɒ̀-tì 'one (place)'. Final -tʼa is found in some other pronouns, e.g., tì-tʼá 'what?' q.v., xà-tʼà-á 'what (kind)' [Cook 1984: 60].

Wassillie 1979: 4. Glossed simply as 'all'.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 803; Golla 1996: 6. Substantive xoŋʔ 'fire' q.v. + locative suffix -tin/-tiŋ 'at the place' [Golla 1996: vi; Golla 1970: 307].

Li 1930: 126. Polysemy: 'ashes / grey (adj.)'. Derived from the verb =pai 'to be grey' [Li 1930: 81] with the adjectival prefix ti- [Li 1930: 57] and the medio-passive exponent -l- [Li 1930: 70].

    Bear River dialect: ta=l=pai ~ ta=l=paiʔ, glossed with polysemy: 'ashes / grey' [Goddard 1929: 299, 313].

Goddard 1909: 150 No. 5-6, No. 8. Cf. No. 5-6: "She piled the ashes up" (translated by Goddard as "She piled the dirt up again in the fireplace"). Substantive kʰʷoːŋʔ 'fire' q.v. + locative suffix -tǝŋ 'at' [Goddard 1912: 24].

    In [Curtis 1924: 204], the word for 'ashes' is quoted as something like kʰʷoːŋʔ-čʰe, the second element is unclear.

Hoijer 1973: 59; Landar 1977: 294. Polysemy: 'dirt / dust / cold ashes'. For morphology, see notes on 'sand'. In [Hoijer 1956: 223], quoted as čʼas.

    Distinct from kʰʷan-sit 'fiery coals; hot ashes' [Hoijer 1973: 57], literally 'redness of fire' with kʰʷanʔ 'fire' q.v. and =sit 'to be red' q.v.

Kari 2007: 248, 345.

    An alternative Upper Inlet term for 'ashes' is ɬas-cʼǝy [Kari 2007: 248; Kari 1977: 132], for which see notes on Outer Inlet Tanaina.

Kari 2007: 248, 345. Originates < *kʼǝ=lač-ʔa.

    There are several alternative Outer Inlet terms for 'ashes':

    1) ɬaš-čʼǝɣ [Kari 2007: 248; Kari 1977: 132]; this form is a direct match with Upper Inlet ɬas-cʼǝy 'ashes'. Perhaps 'soil's air' with the same root ɬač 'soil' and čʼǝy (Upper Inlet cʼǝy, Outer Inlet čʼǝɣ) 'air' [Kari 1977: 135].

    2) yusti-zuɣ-ʔa [Kari 2007: 248; Kari 1977: 132]; literally 'fireplace's sand' with yusti 'open fire, fireplace' [Kari 2007: 248] and suy (Outer Inlet suɣ) 'sand' q.v.

    3) tazʔi-lačʼ-a [Kari 2007: 248]; literally 'fire's soil' with tazʔi 'fire' q.v. and the same root ɬač 'soil' (-lačʼ-a < *-lač-ʔa).

Kari 2007: 248, 345; Kari 1977: 132; Wassillie 1979: 5.

    An alternative Inland term for 'ashes' is tazʔi-lač-a [Kari 2007: 248], for which see notes on Outer Inlet Tanaina.

Kari 2007: 248, 345; Kari 1977: 132. Originates < *kʼǝ=lač-ʔa.

Kari 1990: 275, 480; Kari & Buck 1975: 97; Smelcer 2010: 67.

    Lower Ahtena: ɬeːc ~ qʰonʔ=leːc-eʔ [Kari 1990: 275, 480; Kari & Buck 1975: 97; Smelcer 2010: 67].

    Western Ahtena: ɬeːc ~ qʰonʔ=leːc-eʔ [Kari 1990: 275, 480; Kari & Buck 1975: 97; Smelcer 2010: 67].

Kari 1990: 275, 480; Kari & Buck 1975: 97; Smelcer 2010: 67.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 69, 142. Innovative pronunciation ɬè-pè. A compound of ɬè 'flour, powder' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 69] and ^mpè '?'. Cf. the similar compound ɬè-tʰì 'hard ashes at the bottom of a fire, lye' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 69] (with tʰì '?').

    Cf. the alternative word éhƛʼè with polysemy: 'mud / clay / dust / ashes / dirt' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 29, 142].

    Distinct from ɬó-žàː 'ashes (top layer of white ashes)' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 70] with ɬó 'smoke' q.v. and žàː '?'.

Rice 1978: 76, 116; Hoijer 1956: 222. Polysemy: 'ashes / dry powdery mud'.

Holton 2000: 340; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 16. Literally 'flour of fire' with ɬéːc 'flour' [Arnold et al. 2009: 122, 315] and kʰónʔ 'fire' q.v. It should be noted that the high tone ɬéːc should also yield high tone in the possessed form **=ɬ̬éːʒ-ʔ, whereas the rising tone in =ɬ̬ěːʒ-ʔ suggests the original low tone **ɬèːc [Holton 2000: 79].

    In [Shinen 1958: 17], the Tanacross word for 'ashes' is quoted as l=cʼis, which is actually to be read l=cʼìːs 'punk (fungus), birch fungus; ashes of burnt punk' [Arnold et al. 2009: 316; Holton 2000: 340].

Not documented properly. Milanowski, p.c., has suggested the compound ɬat-cʼay̥ 'ashes', but it seems doubtful for the general meaning 'ashes', cf. its Lower Tanana cognate ɬǝ-cʼǝy̥ 'ashes of bracket fungus (used to make leaf tobacco stronger)' (*'pungent smoke'?). Cf. ɬiat 'flour' [Milanowski 2009: 20, 74].

    Scottie Creek: θaːy=ɬìat ~ kʰònʔ=ɬìat 'ashes' [John 1997: 33]. Literally 'flour of sand' (sic!) and 'flour of fire' correspondingly, with ɬìat 'flour' [John 1997: 40], θaːy 'sand' q.v. and kʰònʔ 'fire' q.v.

Kari 1994: 178, 363; Tuttle 2009: 8. Polysemy: 'dirt / dust / gravel / ashes' for lac. The full collocation kʰʊnʔ lac-aʔ literally means 'lac of fire'; it is glossed in the general meaning 'ashes' in [Kari 1994], but is specified as 'volcanic ashes' in [Tuttle 2009].

    Distinct from kʰʊnʔ t^θʰʌy-aʔ 'ashes of open fire' [Tuttle 2009: 8] ~ kʰʊnʔ θʌy-aʔ 'ashes' [Kari 1994: 93] (literally 'fire's sand'), tʼaʂ 'ashes, coals in stove or fireplace; charcoal' [Kari 1994: 253; Tuttle 2009: 8], t^θʰit^θ ~ kʰʊnʔ t^θʰit 'hot embers, hot ashes, coals' [Kari 1994: 313, 363], ɬǝ-cʼǝy̥ 'ashes of bracket fungus (used to make leaf tobacco stronger)' [Kari 1994: 301, 363; Tuttle 2009: 22] (according to Kari, cʼǝy̥ is the variant of the verbal root =cʼik 'to be bitter, pungent'; the initial element can thus be ɬǝt 'smoke', i.e., 'pungent smoke').

Poser 1998/2013: 255, 601; Antoine et al. 1974: 139, 296. Polysemy: 'dust / dirt / ashes'.

    Distinct from čʰʌɬcʼih 'ashes that fly from a fire' [Poser 1998/2013: 102; Antoine et al. 1974: 69]; morphologically unclear.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 385, 848; Jones 1978: 13. Polysemy: 'dirt / soil / sand / dust / ashes / clay / mud / any granular substance'. In [Jones 1978: 13], quoted as the full collocation qʰunʔ laːc-ǝʔ 'ashes', literally 'fire's ɬaːc'.

    Distinct from ɬǝ-cʼiːy̥ 'dust, soot, smoke / fine white ashes of the hard brown birch fungus / steam / jet or spout of water' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 655], perhaps 'pungent smoke' with ɬǝt 'smoke' (q.v.) + cʼiːk / cʼiːy̥ '(to be) pungent'.

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 51; Chapman 1914: 118. Literally 'heat's mud' with t^θʰaːɢ 'heat' [Taff et al. 2007].

    The second candidate is the more rare form ɬaːs-ðǝɬ 'ashes' [Kari 1978: 51] (not found in other sources), where initial ɬaːs can be an assimilated variant of ɬaːc 'earth, soil / mud' q.v., the second element is =ðǝɬ 'to be hot / to be warm' q.v., thus 'ashes' as 'hot soil'.

    Distinct from tʼaːʂ 'coals, charcoal, ashes' [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 51].

Hoijer 1956: 223. Literally 'soil/dirt of charcoal' with kù=ƛʼìs 'earth / dirt' (see notes on 'earth') and cʰítī 'charcoal' [Hoijer & Joël 1963: 70]. No expressions for 'ashes' in the rest of sources.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 783; Golla 1996: 29 sub 'dye'; Golla 1964: 112; Golla 1970: 219. Polysemy: 'bark / human skin / hide'. Cf. also some specific terms: kʼʸi=laː-tos-čʼeʔ 'heavy bark of conifers' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 752; Golla 1996: 9] (not entirely clear morphologically, the bound root laː is related to trees [Sapir & Golla 2001: 761]), si-kʰʸeːcʼ 'thin bark of deciduous trees; shell (of a nut)' [Golla 1996: 9].

Not attested.

    Bear River dialect: not attested.

Goddard 1912: 27. Literally 'tree' q.v. + 'skin' q.v.

Hoijer 1973: 60. Polysemy: 'human skin / animal hide / bark'.

No generic term documented for Upper Inlet Tanaina.

Kari 2007: 61, 346; Kari 1977: 75.

Kari 2007: 61, 346; Kari 1977: 75. No generic term in [Wassillie 1979: 7], where kʼ=tʼičʼ-a is not quoted at all.

Kari 2007: 61, 346; Kari 1977: 75.

Kari 1990: 352, 482; Kari & Buck 1975: 30; Smelcer 2010: 107.

    Lower Ahtena: possr=la=tʼuːc-eʔ [Kari 1990: 352, 482; Kari & Buck 1975: 30; Smelcer 2010: 107].

    Western Ahtena: possr=la=tʼuːc-eʔ [Kari 1990: 352, 482; Kari & Buck 1975: 30; Smelcer 2010: 107].

Kari 1990: 352, 482; Kari & Buck 1975: 30; Smelcer 2010: 107.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 114, 143. Polysemy: 'bark / peel'. Initial we= is apparently the fossilized possessive pronoun 'his, her, its'; cf., e.g., with a full-fledged possessor: kʼí wétʼìː 'birch bark' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 63] (kʼí 'birch').

Rice 1978: 99, 118. Polysemy: 'skin / bark'.

Arnold et al. 2009: 51, 275, 307; Holton 2000: 340; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 9; McRoy 1973: 5. Glossed as 'tree bark, bark of any tree' in [Arnold et al. 2009], but specifically as 'spruce bark' in [Holton 2000]. Literally 'cʼèy̥ of làː', where làː is the old root for 'hand / branch', whereas cʼèy̥ should mean 'peel, bark' vel sim.; initial čʼè= is the indefinite possessive pronoun. The root cʼèy̥ seems undocumented outside this compound (cf. cʼèy̥ 'boat, skiff' [Arnold et al. 2009: 61]); the root làː with the underlying meaning 'hand / branch' is attested, e.g., in =in=ɬ̬á-ʔ 'hand' q.v. or čʼè=làː=ʔéɫ 'branch' [Arnold et al. 2009: 65], literally 'boughs of làː' with ʔéɬ 'boughs' [Arnold et al. 2009: 250].

    Distinct from the specific term čʼè=là=h=tʼûːʒ 'outer bark' [Arnold et al. 2009: 51; Holton 2000: 340], which has the same structure as čʼè=làː=cʼèy̥, but =h=tʼûːʒ is apparently the nominalized verb for 'to peel' (not attested independently; classifier =h= < *=ɬ=).

    In [Shinen 1958: 12], another expression for 'bark of tree' is quoted: čʰe=ðu=cʰenʔ, which actually represents the compound čʼè=θ̬ù=čʰěnː-ʔ 'stump of branch remaining after branch is broken off' [Arnold et al. 2009: 65].

Milanowski, p.c. Polysemy: 'bark / skin' q.v. Widely applicable: cʼoː θɯh 'spruce bark'; kʼĩː θɯh 'birch bark', kʼɯh θɯh 'alder bark' (Milanowski, p.c.).

    Scottie Creek: cʼì=làl=cʼay 'bark', attested in the collocation cʼok cʼìlàlcʼay 'spruce bark' [John 1997: 60] (cʼok 'spruce'). Similar to the Tanacross expression for 'bark', but less clear morphologically, since the Tanana indefinite possessive pronoun is čʼi=, not cʼì=. Distinct from specific kʼĩː 'birch / birch bark' [John 1997: 57].

Kari 1994: 259, 366. Glossed as 'outer bark of spruce, cottonwood, willow, alder'. Literally 'peel of branches' with =lʌ-ʔ 'hand; branch' and tʼuc 'rind, peeling' [Kari 1994: 259]. Cf. the cognate verb obj=t=l=tʼuc 'to peel' [Kari 1994: 259].

    Distinct from kʼiy̥ 'birch / birch bark' [Kari 1994: 167, 366].

Poser 1998/2013: 234, 608; Antoine et al. 1974: 33, 297. Glossed as 'outer bark' by Poser and simply as 'bark' by Antoine et al. Literally 'peel of hands (i.e., of branches)' with possr=la 'hand' q.v. and possr=tʼuz 'peeling, peel of potato; inner bark of tree' [Poser 1998/2013: 477; Antoine et al. 1974: 46]. In [Poser 2011a: 34], 'bark of tree' is translated simply as possr=tʼuz.

    There is also an unclear term possr=la(-)ʔ [Poser 1998/2013: 232] which means generally 'bark', occasionally attested as the first element of compounds or even as an independent word.

    Distinct from two expressions for 'inner bark': possr=laʔ=til and possr=laʔ=tʰai [Poser 1998/2013: 56; Morice 1932, 1: 45], whose second elements are unclear.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 557, 853; Jones 1978: 15. Specified as 'outer bark of tree', applicable to "most trees except for the birch". Literally 'tʼuːc of hands (i.e., of branches)' with possr=loː 'hand' q.v.; tʼuːc *'peel' seems unattested outside this compound.

    Distinct from qʼiːy̥ 'birch / outer birchbark, roofing material' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 353].

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 17; Chapman 1914: 205, 228. Attested in the passages: "He saw the bark floating in the water", "He's making a bark smokehouse". Literally 'tʼeːʒ of hands (i.e., of branches)' with possr=loː-ʔ 'hand' q.v.

    Distinct from the morphologically unclear term for 'inner bark': kaːɬtʰǝm 'bark, inner willow bark, cambium' [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 17] (perhaps k= stays for kǝ= 'its').

    Distinct from qʼǝy̥ 'birch / birch bark' [Kari 1978: 18].

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 71. Polysemy: 'peel (of fruit) / bark / shell (of nut)'.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 772; Golla 1996: 10; Golla 1964: 110. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. The same root with the full grade of the izafet suffix: possr=mit-eʔ 'the belly part (in cutting fish), deer tripe' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 770; Golla 1996: 10; Golla 1964: 110]; thus =mitʼ should originate from *=mit-ʔ.

    Distinct from the more rare term possr=čont-eʔ 'belly' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 812; Golla 1964: 114], whose exact meaning and application are unknown.

Li 1930: 126. Originates from *=pitʼ [Li 1930: 6, 20] (further < *=pit-ʔ ?). Glossed by Li as 'stomach', thus apparently with polysemy: 'belly / stomach'.

    Bear River dialect: possr=pːat ~ possr=pːaɬ with polysemy: 'belly / stomach' [Goddard 1929: 297, 313, 321].

Goddard 1912: 22; Goddard 1909: 143 No. 13, 152 No. 2, 158 No. 3. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. The non-possessed form is also attested: pǝtʼ with the specific meaning 'stomach as food' [Goddard 1912: 20; Goddard 1909: 109 No. 5, 110 No. 1, 113 No. 3] - apparently plain pǝtʼ is the result of reanalysis of the original expression possr=pǝtʼ.

    There is also a term čʼan ~ čʼaŋ that is glossed once as 'belly' [Goddard 1909: 79 No. 13], but actually, it seems to simply be the frequent word čʼaŋ 'food' [Goddard 1912: 20].

Hoijer 1973: 52; Hoijer 1956: 223; Landar 1977: 294. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'.

Kari 2007: 96, 346; Kari 1977: 103.

Kari 1977: 103. No Outer Inlet term for 'belly' in [Kari 2007].

Kari 2007: 96, 346; Kari 1977: 103. No term for 'belly' in [Wassillie 1979].

Kari 2007: 96, 346; Kari 1977: 103.

Kari 1990: 105, 485; Kari & Buck 1975: 67; Smelcer 2010: 49. The form =peʔt is from [Kari & Buck 1975; Smelcer 2010].

    Lower Ahtena: possr=peʔɬ [Kari 1990: 105, 485; Kari & Buck 1975: 67; Smelcer 2010: 49].

    Western Ahtena: possr=petʼ [Kari 1990: 105, 485; Kari & Buck 1975: 67; Smelcer 2010: 49].

Kari 1990: 105, 485; Kari & Buck 1975: 67; Smelcer 2010: 49.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 33, 39, 215; Saxon & Siemens n.d. Innovative pronunciation: possr=pò. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'; glossed as 'stomach, belly, tummy, abdomen, mid-section of body'; applied to humans and animals.

    There is also a collocation possr=žĩ̀ː tʰání, quoted in [Saxon & Siemens n.d.] as 'stomach, belly, tummy, abdomen, mid-section of body' (i.e., a full synonym of possr=^mpò); literally 'middle of the body' with =žĩ̀ː ~ =žìː 'body, insides' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 47] and tʰání 'half, middle' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 93].

Rice 1978: 38; Hoijer 1956: 222. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'.

    Distinct from possr=šõ̀ 'stomach (inside) / womb' [Rice 1978: 93].

Arnold et al. 2009: 56; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 23; McRoy 1973: 8. Glossed as 'belly, abdomen'.

    Distinct from possr=mét 'stomach' [Arnold et al. 2009: 254; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 23; McRoy 1973: 8; Shinen 1958: 3].

    It should be noted that in [Holton 2000: 341, 347], possr=cʰáːŁ-ʔ is quoted for 'human stomach', whereas possr=mét is quoted for generic 'belly'.

Milanowski 2009: 25, 69. Glossed as 'belly'.

    Distinct from possr=^mbat 'stomach' [Milanowski 2009: 70].

    Northway: possr=cʰaːŁ-ʔ 'belly' [Milanowski 2007: 3], possr=^mbat 'stomach' [Milanowski 2007: 17].

    Scottie Creek: possr=cʰàːŁ-ʔ 'belly, stomach' [John 1997: 11, 16].

Kari 1994: 36, 368; Tuttle 2009: 19. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'.

    Distinct from possr=t^θʰʌƛ-aʔ 'abdomen, belly' [Kari 1994: 313, 368].

    Distinct from possr=cʰʌn̥ 'viscera, abdomen' [Kari 1994: 48].

Poser 1998/2013: 98, 613; Antoine et al. 1974: 16; Morice 1932, 1: 27. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'.

    Distinct from possr=cʰan 'vagina / womb / stomach' [Poser 1998/2013: 101] and cʰʌz or c̪ʰʌz 'stomach' [Morice 1932, 1: 27] (not confirmed in [Poser 1998/2013: 487]).

Jetté & Jones 2000: 98, 857. Polysemy: 'belly, paunch / abdomen / stomach'.

    Distinct from possr=kʰoːn̥ 'abdomen, viscera / womb / inside the sled basket' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 298].

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 36; Chapman 1914: 219. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'.

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 69; Hoijer 1956: 222.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 757; Golla 1996: 11; Golla 1970: 137. Verbal root 'to be big'. The light stem =kʰʸah < *=kʰʸaːh; the heavy stem =kʰʸaːw < *=kʰʸaːh-i. The same morpheme constitutes the augmentative suffix -kʰʸoh ~ -kʰoh [Sapir & Golla 2001: 759; Golla 1996: 11; Golla 1970: 262].

Li 1930: 45, 57, 118. Verbal root 'to be big'. This is the heavy stem, originating < *=ɕʰaːx-i [Li 1930: 23]; the light stem is =ɕʰah < *=ɕʰaːx. The same morpheme constitutes the augmentative suffix -ɕʰoh / -ɕʰow- [Li 1930: 138].

    Bear River dialect: not attested.

Goddard 1912: 28, 74. Verbal root 'to be big'; applied to 'fish', 'teeth', 'country' etc. This is the heavy stem, originating < *=čʰax-i; the light stem is =čʰah < *=čʰax. The same morpheme constitutes the augmentative suffix -čʰoː [Goddard 1912: 26].

Hoijer 1973: 71; Landar 1977: 294. Verbal root: 'to be big'. The same morpheme also forms the augmentative suffix -čʰoh (e.g., ɬĩʔ-čʰoh 'horse', lit. 'big pet' [Hoijer 1973: 61]).

Not attested.

Boraas 2010: 67, 82-83.

    Two expressions for 'big' are documented in [Boraas 2010].

    1) The verb =ɬ=kʰuʁ, glossed as 'to be big, large, tall, high, great in quantity or volume'. Paradigm: =kʰuʁ (< *=kʰuχ-ǝ) [neuter imperf. & perf.] / =kʰǝχ (< *=kʰǝχ) [progressive imperf. & perf.]; the variant =kʰǝʁ (< *=kʰǝχ-ǝ) [neuter perf.] is attested as well.

    2) The noun-like adjective kʰaʔa with examples: "big mountain", "big moose", "big village", "big old man (euphemistic name for brown bear)" [Boraas 2010: 39]. In [Boraas 2010: 67], kʰaʔa is also quoted as the root for the transitional future form in the suppletive paradigm of the verb =kʰuʁ 'to be big'.

    We are forced to treat =kʰuʁ and kʰaʔa as synonyms.

Tenenbaum 1978: 49 et passim; Tenenbaum 1976 1: 59 et passim; Wassillie 1979: 11.

    Three expressions for 'big' have been found in the available sources.

    1) The verb =ɬ=kʰuʁ (< *=kʰuχ-ǝ) 'to be big' with the following examples: "big tree", "big place", "big rock" [Tenenbaum 1978: 110 f.]; "big beaver" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 59]; "big spruce" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 61]; "big fish" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 73]; "big cave" [Tenenbaum 1976 4: 12]; "big doorway" [Tenenbaum 1976 4: 13].

    Also: "how big is a pile?" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 33]; "a really big house" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 9]; "a really big one" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 24]; "a really big boat" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 65]; "a really big caribou bull" [Tenenbaum 1976 3: 55]; "the baby got big" [Tenenbaum 1976 3: 68]; "The bear cubs were as big as..." [Tenenbaum 1976 4: 22]; "His son was as big as..." [Tenenbaum 1976 4: 32]; "this big one" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 8]; "it was big" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 10; 4: 38]; "It got big" [Tenenbaum 1978: 49, 50, 89]; "you're really big" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 66]; "he's big" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 69; Tenenbaum 1978: 110]; "he was so big" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 79].

    The verb =kʰǝχ / =kʰuχ "to be expensive" [Tenenbaum 1978: 50] etymologically represents the same root.

    2) The noun-like adjective čʰǝχ [Wassillie 1979: 11]. Examples: "A big plane landed" [Wassillie 1979: 11]; "big water hole" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 3]; "big giant" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 75]; "big fire" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 78]; "big boat" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 23, 63]; "big sandbar" [Tenenbaum 1976 3: 42]; "the big one" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 75].

    3) The noun-like adjective kʰaʔa (~ contracted kʰa). Attested in a couple of examples: "big spruce tree" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 59]; "big ground squirrel" [Tenenbaum 1976 3: 1, 8, 9], "a large dog" [Holton et al. 2004: 11].

    The difference between the tree expressions is unclear. We treat =kʰuʁ and čʰǝχ as synonyms, but exclude kʰaʔa, since it seems statistically marginal.

Not attested.

Kari 1990: 109; 485.

    Lower Ahtena: =kʰʸaːχ [Kari 1990: 109; 485].

    Western Ahtena: =kʰʸaːχ [Kari 1990: 109; 485].

Kari 1990: 109; 485.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 80, 145. Innovative pronunciation: =cʰà. Verbal root: 'to be big'. The same morpheme constitutes the augmentative suffix -čʰó [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 8; Marinakis et al. 2007: 152]. The basic expressions for 'small' q.v. are based on this verb: =čʰà-lé-(á), literally 'not to be big'.

    Distinct from the suffix -ⁿtèː ~ -tèː 'great, important, big, original' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 86].

Rice 1978: 261, 457, 489; Rice 1989: 239. Verb with polysemy: 'to be big / to be old'. E.g.: "the knife is bigger than it" [Rice 1989: 1008], "he has a big boat and a small boat" [Rice 1989: 1070], "Bill hooked the biggest fish" [Rice 1989: 1086], "I got tall" [Rice 1989: 1302]. The same morpheme is also part of the augmentative suffix -šò [Rice 1978: 93; Rice 1989: 238; Hoijer 1956: 222].

    Another, apparently more rarely used, candidate is the deverbal adjective tè=wéʔ 'big' as in "big beaver", "Sunday (lit. big day)" [Rice 1978: 49], "big ice" [Rice 1978: 79].

Arnold et al. 2009: 57. Noun-like adjective. Cf. the cognate verbal form n=čʰáːx '(to be) big' [Arnold et al. 2009: 58; Holton 2000: 350; Shinen 1958: 19], modified with the adjectival/gender exponent n= [Holton 2000: 237 ff.].

Milanowski 2009: 13, 68. Noun-like adjective, glossed as 'big / large / mature in size'. The examples are: "He put out a big fire" [Milanowski 2009: 103]; "big mountain" [Milanowski 2009: 16]. Cf. the cognate verbal forms n=čʰaːʔ '(it is) big', hõː=čʰaːʔ '(it is) big' [Milanowski 2009: 5, 17, 21, 120].

    Distinct from hõː=ƛʼat '(it is) great (in quantity or degree)' [Milanowski 2009: 17].

    Northway: čʰoh 'big, large, mature in size' [Milanowski 2007: 3].

    Scottie Creek: čʰoh 'big', found in the examples: "The swan is a big, white bird" [John 1997: 10], "big toe" [John 1997: 17], "I am walking around by the big river" [John 1997: 48], "I see one big star" [John 1997: 52]. The cognate verb: n=čʼâː '(it is) big', found in the examples: "Its nipple is big" [John 1997: 15], "The pack is big" [John 1997: 37].

Kari 1994: 50, 369; Tuttle 2009: 21. Cf. Kari's and Tuttle's examples: "big dog", "big house", "large sled", "large male caribou", "large whitefish". Also functions as the verb =čʰʊx [neuter imperf.] / =čʰʌx [transitional imperf./perf.] 'to be big, large, tall, high, great in quantity or volume' [Kari 1994: 50; Tuttle 2009: 21].

    Distinct from čʰaʔa with polysemy: 'big, large / dear' [Kari 1994: 42, 369], but this adjective is apparently more marginal in the meaning 'big' than čʰʊx, because čʰaʔa is only provided with the example for 'dear' in [Kari 1994: 42] and not quoted in [Tuttle 2009] at all.

Poser 1998/2013: 102, 613. A noun-like adjective or an augmentative suffix. The cognate verb =čʰa 'to be big' is also widely used [Poser 1998/2013: 614, 1218, 1249; Poser 2011a: 40; Antoine et al. 1974: 298].

Jetté & Jones 2000: 297, 858; Jones 1978: 20. Verb 'to be big', widely applicable. Also functions as the noun-like adjective kʰuχ 'big' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 298].

    Distinct from the adjective kǝt-ǝʔ 'great, large, very big, enormous' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 188].

Taff et al. 2007; Chapman 1914: 221. A noun-like adjective. The cognate verb =čʰoːχ 'to be big' may be used as well [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1976: 27].

Li 1930: 25; Cook 1984: 67; Hoijer 1956: 222; Nanagusja 1996a: 129. Verbal stem: 'to be big'. Also functions as the noun-like adjective čʰúw 'big' [Cook 1984: 67].

Boraas 2010: 39.

Wassillie 1979: 11.

Kari 1990: 112; 485.

    Lower Ahtena: kʰʸeʔe [Kari 1990: 112; 485].

    Western Ahtena: kʰʸeʔe [Kari 1990: 112; 485].

Kari 1990: 112; 485.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 805; Golla 1996: 11; Golla 1964: 110. Literally 'small one' < the impersonal thematic pronoun kʼʸi- + yaːʍ 'animal's young' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 805; Golla 1996: 110] + -i (i.e., *kʼʸi=yaːʍ-i).

Li 1930: 125. Literally 'small one' < the impersonal thematic pronoun ʔi- [Li 1930: 37 f.] + =yaːx 'small (subst.)' (i.e., 'animal's young'?) [Li 1930: 125].

    Bear River dialect: takʰitːi 'bird' [Goddard 1929: 299, 314], an unclear form.

Goddard 1912: 29. Literally 'it does/has feathers (tʼa)'. In Goddard's data only the collective meaning 'birds' is attested, although the expression tʼakliŋ-weš-i 'bird egg' [Essene 1942: 86] (with possr=weš-iː 'egg') should indicate that tʼa-kʰʷiliːŋ denotes sg. 'bird' as well.

Not attested.

Kari 2007: 27, 346; Kari 1977: 42.

Kari 2007: 27, 346; Kari 1977: 27, 346.

Kari 2007: 27, 346; Kari 1977: 27, 346; Wassillie 1979: 11. The prefixal element čʼ= is unclear.

Kari 2007: 27, 346; Kari 1977: 27, 346.

Kari 1990: 190, 486; Kari & Buck 1975: 15; Smelcer 2010: 36.

    Lower Ahtena: qaːqi [Kari 1990: 190, 486; Kari & Buck 1975: 15; Smelcer 2010: 36].

    Western Ahtena: qaːqi [Kari 1990: 190, 486; Kari & Buck 1975: 15; Smelcer 2010: 36].

Kari 1990: 190, 486; Kari & Buck 1975: 15; Smelcer 2010: 36. Note the regular harmony -i > -a; the prefixal element cʼe= is unclear; it corresponds to čʼ= in Inland Tanaina čʼ=qaqa-šla 'bird' q.v.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 8, 145. Innovative pronunciation: cʰĩ́ã́. Final -ã́ is the diminutive suffix [Marinakis et al. 2007: 152 ff.].

Rice 1978: 35, 121. Glossed with the generic meaning 'bird', e.g., "he hit the bird with a stone" [Rice 1989: 302], "a bird's nest is located" [Rice 1989: 1026]. Initial ʔṍ= is a rare desemanticized prefix [Rice 1989: 166].

    Distinct from šõ̀ʔõ̀-yà 'small bird' [Rice 1978: 94; Rice 1989: 44], final -ya is a diminutive suffix [Rice 1989: 240]; tè=tʼòn-ì 'large bird' [Rice 1978: 48; Rice 1989: 166], a deverbative with the i-nominalizer.

Arnold et al. 2009: 58; Holton 2000: 341; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 5; McRoy 1973: 2; Shinen 1958: 10. Literally 'small cʰú' with kàːy 'small' q.v.; the root cʰú seems undocumented outside this expression.

Milanowski 2009: 27, 68. Cf. the example: "She is scattering bird seed" [Milanowski 2009: 48]. Could be a nominalized verbal form, although the meaning of the underlying verb =tʼuːt is unclear (final ...dn < *...t-ǝ with the relativizing suffix).

    Northway: cʼa=h=tʼuːdn 'bird' [Milanowski 2007: 3].

    Scottie Creek: cʼa=h=tʼùt 'bird' [John 1997: 7]. Cf. the available example: "What bird is this?".

Kari 1994: 293, 370; Tuttle 2009: 22. Glossed as 'birds (any), land birds'. Perhaps cʰuy-a with the diminutive suffix -ã ~ -a.

Poser 1998/2013: 148, 614; Poser 2011a: 40; Antoine et al. 1974: 92, 298. Polysemy: 'bird / duck'. Morphologically unclear.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 198; Jones 1978: 21. Apparently no generic term for 'bird' in the majority of Koyukon varieties. The only common expressions are Central saːn̥ qaːqǝ-ʔ, literally 'summer animal', Lower qaːq-oːz, literally 'small animal' with qaːqǝ 'animal'. These are glossed as 'small passerine birds which migrate south in the winter' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 198] or 'bird (of the tweety-bird variety)' [Jones & Kwaraceius 1997: 77]. As explained by Jetté, these terms apply "to all the small birds which live in the country only during summer and spend the winter elsewhere. The larger birds, such as ducks, geese, cranes, swans, etc., although etymologically comprised under the designation, are by custom excluded from it". In [Jones 1978: 21], however, saːn̥ qaːqǝ-ʔ and qaːq-oːz are quoted as generic terms for 'bird' in the Central and Lower dialects.

    There exists a generic term cʰuːyǝ 'bird' in the Toklat-Bearpaw subdialect of the Upper dialect [Jetté & Jones 2000: 647], which looks like a borrowing from Lower Tanana cʰuy-a 'bird'.

Taff et al. 2007. Literally 'little animal' (cf. qaːɢ 'animal').

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 72; Nanagusja 1996b: 156. Initial i= is a prefix which occurs in many Sarsi nouns. Most likely, it is the fossilized indefinite non-personal possessive pronoun i- [Hoijer & Joël 1963: 66]. Final -ɒ is the diminutive suffix -a ~ -aa [Li 1930b: 9].

Sapir & Golla 2001: 797; Golla 1996: 11; Golla 1970: 84. In [Golla 1996], also the reduced root variant =xucʼ is quoted. Applicable to humans, animals and insects. Distinct from =qos [light imperf.] / =qocʼ [heavy perf.] 'to bite crunch (smth brittle); to bite off' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 756; Golla 1996: 11].

Li 1930: 100. This is the heavy stem, originating < *=kič-i [Li 1930: 24 f.]; the light stem is =kiš < *=kič.

    Bear River dialect: not attested.

Goddard 1912: 78. Note the de-ejectivization -c < *-cʼ.

Hoijer 1973: 64; Hoijer 1956: 223. Imperf. & perf. stem. Exact meaning and application are, however, unknown. In [Hoijer 1956], transcribed as =tei.

Lovick 2005: 50 ex. 2.13a.

Not attested.

Wassillie 1979: 11; Tenenbaum 1978: 70. Applied to both humans and animals. Paradigm: =ʁaš [imperf.] / =ʁač [perf.] (for the consonant alternation cf. [Kari 2007: xxiv]).

Not attested.

Kari 1990: 79, 486.

    Lower Ahtena: =ʔaːɬ [Kari 1990: 79, 486].

    Western Ahtena: =ʔaːɬ [Kari 1990: 79, 486].

Kari 1990: 79, 486.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 56, 146. Glossed as 'to bite, take a bite out of'. In the available example, applied to a dog.

Rice 1978: 271, 442, 489. There are two verbs with the meaning 'to bite' in Hare: =kʼà glossed as 'to bite, chew up' [Rice 1978: 442, 489] and =h=shù glossed as 'to bite, hold in mouth, grab in mouth' [Rice 1978: 270, 458, 489; Hoijer 1956: 222] (Hoijer quotes the 19^th c. archaic variant =čʰu).

    The verb =kʼà seems to be more generic and frequent. Cf. attested examples with =kʼà 'to bite': "s/he bit me" [Rice 1989: 67], "I'll bite them" [Rice 1978: 271], "John shot the dog that bit the child" [Rice 1989: 1196], "if a wolf is hungry, it sometimes bites people" [Rice 1989: 342], "Keep away because he might bite you" [Rice 1978: 207], "we bite ourselves" [Rice 1989: 490], "A mosquito bit me" [Rice 1978: 271].

    Examples for =h=shù 'to bite' are more scant, and all of them refer to dogs or wolves: "the dog bit the boy" [Rice 1989: 987], "the dog might bite you" [Rice 1978: 270], "a hungry wolf will sometimes bite people" [Rice 1989: 1326]. Apparently the meaning 'to grab in mouth' is basic for =h=shù.

Arnold et al. 2009: 58; Shinen 1958: 31. Paradigm is unknown. Applicable to humans and animals.

Milanowski 2009: 38. Paradigm is unknown.

Kari 1994: 27, 370. Paradigm: =ʔʌɬ [imperf.] / =ʔʌƛ [perf.]. Polysemy: 'to eat / to bite' (q.v.). Cf. some of Kari's examples for the meaning 'to bite': "I bit it", "Are you gonna bite it?", "It'll bite you", "A dog bit me", "he bit it in two".

    Distinct from =l=kʊc 'to bite' [Kari 1994: 119, 370]. Since =l=kʊc is only provided by Kari with a single example ("He bit it"), this verb is apparently more marginal than =ʔʌɬ.

Poser 1998/2013: 1219, 1250; Antoine et al. 1974: 204; Morice 1932, 1: 351. In [Poser 1998/2013: 1219, 1250], glossed as 'to act violently on a soft material, e.g. to tear or split it'. Paradigm: =ɬ=čʼuɬ [momentaneous imperf.] / =ɬ=čʼʌl [momentaneous perf.]. Cf. the examples: "he is biting me", "The puppy is biting my leg" [Antoine et al. 1974: 204], "it is biting him (playfully)" [Antoine et al. 1974: 268], "The dog bit him in the leg" [Antoine et al. 1974: 123], "When he was coming (walking) with us, a dog bit him" [Antoine et al. 1974: 168], "to bite (that is, to tear with teeth)", "to bite (in a piece of bread)" [Morice 1932, 1: 351].

    Distinct from =ɬ=ɣas̪ 'to gnaw' [Poser 1998/2013: 1220, 1254; Antoine et al. 1974: 311].

Jetté & Jones 2000: 196, 859; Jones 1978: 22. Applicable to both humans and animals (such as dogs).

    In the Toklat-Bearpaw subdialect of the Upper dialect, a different verb =l=cʰǝt 'to bite' is used [Jetté & Jones 2000: 635] (although it is unclear whether it coexists with =l=kuc or not).

Taff et al. 2007; Hargus 2010: 42. Paradigm: =tǝʂ [imperf.] / =tǝc [perf.]. Cf. the examples: "He bit it", "I bit it", "The dog bit him".

    The second candidate is the verb =ʁʊʂ ~ =ʁǝʂ ~ =ʁoːʂ 'to bite', adduced in [Hargus 2000: 6; Kari 1976: 26] with the example "dog bit him". The difference between =tǝʂ and =ʁʊʂ is unclear; we have to treat them as synonyms.

    Distinct from =ɬ=qeːθ 'to gnaw' [Taff et al. 2007], =ʔoːɬ [imperf.] / =ʔoːƛ [imperf.] 'to chew' [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1976: 5].

Li 1930b: 16.

    A difficult case with three competing verbs:

    1) =kás [imperf.] / =kàːz [perf.], glosseed as 'to bite' in [Li 1930b: 20; Cook 1984: 253], without further information.

    2) =s=xɒ̀s [imperf.] / =s=xɒ̀ːz ~ =s=xɒ̀c- [perf.], glossed as 'to gnaw' in [Li 1930b: 17; Cook 1984: 233], but quoted in [Hoijer 1956: 222] for the Swadesh meaning 'to bite'.

    3) =ʔɒ̀ɬ [imperf.] / =ʔɒ̀ːl [perf.], glossed as 'to chew' in [Li 1930b: 16; Cook 1984: 71, 232].

    Browsing through the text collection in [Goddard 1915] suggests, however, that =ʔɒ̀ɬ could be the basic expression for both 'to bite' and 'to chew'. Cf. the found examples: "He [the hero acting like a bear] threw them down, then he pretended to bite them. There was no blood" [Goddard 1915: 255], "He [the hero] bit its [bear's] face" [Goddard 1915: 265], "A part of his body swells, then he chews [medicine] herb" [Goddard 1915: 219], "He put a grass in his mouth. He chewed it" [Goddard 1915: 241].

    Provisionally we fill the slot with the verb =ʔɒ̀ɬ, assuming synchronic polysemy: 'to bite / to chew'.

Perfective.

Perfective.

Perfective.

Perfective.

Perfective.

Hargus 2000: 6; Kari 1976: 26.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 796; Golla 1996: 11. Verbal root: 'to be black'. Imperfective, originating < *=ʍin-i; the perfective root variant is =ʍeʔn < =ʍin-ʔ-i.

Li 1930: 80. Verbal root with polysemy: 'to be dark / to be black'. Li quotes the verb 'to be dark' as =xiŋ < *=xin [imperf.] / =xiːʔn < *=xin-ʔ-i [perf.] (l-classifier) and posits the separate verb =xin (< *=xin-i) (zero-classifier) 'to be black'. Cf. the full form ɬi=xˈin '(it is) black' (for the adjectival prefix ɬi- see [Li 1930: 64]).

    Bear River dialect: ɬu=xʷin-e ~ ɬa=xʷan 'black' [Goddard 1929: 314].

Goddard 1912: 28, 67; Curtis 1924: 203. Verbal root 'to be black'. Paradigm: =šǝŋʔ < *=šin-ʔ [light] / =šiːnʔ < *=šin-ʔ-i [heavy]. Glottalization of the final nasal has spread from the old perfective stems (*=šin-ʔ, *=šin-ʔ-i) across the paradigm. The adjective-like form is ɬ=šǝŋʔ '(it is) black'.

Hoijer 1973: 71; Landar 1977: 294. Verbal root: 'to be black'. The adjectival form is ɬa=šan.

Kari 2007: 319, 346; Kari 1977: 253.

Kari 2007: 319, 346; Kari 1977: 253.

Kari 2007: 319, 346; Kari 1977: 253; Wassillie 1979: 11.

Kari 2007: 319, 346; Kari 1977: 253.

Kari 1990: 351, 486; Kari & Buck 1975: 103; Smelcer 2010: 60.

    Lower Ahtena: =l=tʼuːʔs [Kari 1990: 351, 486; Kari & Buck 1975: 103; Smelcer 2010: 60].

    Western Ahtena: =l=tʼuːcʼ [Kari 1990: 351, 486; Kari & Buck 1975: 103; Smelcer 2010: 60].

Kari 1990: 351, 486; Kari & Buck 1975: 103; Smelcer 2010: 60.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 18, 146. Verbal root with polysemy: 'to be black / to be dark'. It is also listed as the basic color term 'black' on the front flyleaf of [Saxon & Siemens 1996].

    Distinct from the noun tʼèː, glossed as 'charcoal, black' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 100].

Rice 1978: 223, 484, 489; Rice 1989: 577, 910. Verbal stem 'to be black'; for the desemanticized verbal suffix -e see [Rice 1989: 816].

    Distinct from =t=ƛʼè 'to become black' [Rice 1978: 222, 488], with not very diagnostic examples: "His face got black", "The sky is getting dark".

Arnold et al. 2009: 59; Holton 2000: 348; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 22; McRoy 1973: 16; Shinen 1958: 18. The verb =t=s̬ẽy 'to be black' with the adjectival/gender exponent t(a)= [Holton 2000: 237 ff.]. The root s̬ẽy 'black' also functions as the second element of nominal compounds [Holton 2000: 132].

Milanowski 2009: 15, 69, 72. The verb =t=sãy 'to be black' with the adjectival/gender exponent t(a)=.

    Northway: ta=t=sãy 'black' [Milanowski 2007: 4].

    Scottie Creek: ta=t=s̬ãy or simply s̬ãy̥ 'black' [John 1997: 10, 29, 32].

Kari 1994: 267, 370; Tuttle 2009: 23.

    There are two roots for 'black' in Lower Tanana:

    1) the adjective ƛʼǝc-aʔ with polysemy: 'black / blue' [Kari 1994: 267, 370] and the verb =t=ƛʼǝc 'to be black' [Kari 1994: 267, 370; Tuttle 2009: 23]; its dimensional aspect (i.e., 'comparative, -er, more than') form =l=ƛʼǝʂ is translated as 'to be dark blue' in [Kari 1994: 267]. Cf. the example "My hair is black" [Tuttle 2009: 23].

    2) the adjective ʐǝn-aʔ ~ ʐǝn-a 'black', the verb =t=ʐǝn̥ 'to be black' [Kari 1994: 352, 370]. Cf. the examples: "scoter (i.e., black duck)", "black moose", "it is black", "when birch are black, they are no good", "berries became ripe (i.e., dark, black)", "in August, after they get dark, they put them away" [Kari 1994: 352].

    Since in the short glossaries [Krauss 1974: 37; Tuttle 2009: 23] only =ƛʼǝc is quoted for the meaning '(to be) black', whereas =ʐǝn is not mentioned at all, we treat =ƛʼǝc as the basic term for 'black' in synchronic Lower Tanana.

Poser 1998/2013: 614, 1220, 1253; Poser 2011a: 41; Antoine et al. 1974: 89, 298. Verbal stem: 'to be black'.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 603, 860; Jones 1978: 23. Verb with polysemy: 'to be black / to be dark blue'. Paradigm: =ƛʼǝc [neuter imperf.] / =ƛʼiːs [transitional imperf.] / =ƛʼiːc [transitional perf.]. Also functions as the noun-like adjective ƛʼǝc-ǝʔ 'black' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 604].

    Some less commonly used expressions for 'black' are derived from tʼaːs 'charcoal': the verb =t=tʼaːs 'to be black' and the noun-like adjective tʼaːz-ǝʔ 'black' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 545].

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 55; Kari 1976: 50. Verbal stem: 'to be black'. Cf. the examples in [Taff et al. 2007]: "Use the black ones", "They used to make pots out of black clay", "coffee (lit. black hot liquid)", "I used all the black thread".

    The second candidate is =ʐǝŋ̥, quoted in [Kari 1978: 55; Taff et al. 2007] with the same meaning 'to be black'. In [Kari 1976: 67], however, =ʐǝŋ̥ is glossed as 'to be dark / to be ripen'; examples in [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 46] support the translation 'to be dark' for =ʐǝŋ̥: "His face is black", 'pepper (lit. black salt)", "brown (lit. it is dark colored)", "rain cloud (lit. black cloud)".

Li 1930b: 21; Cook 1984: 166. Verbal stem: 'to be black'.

    Distinct from =tʼāːz 'to paint black' [Li 1930b: 19], denominative < tʼàs 'charcoal'.

    The archaic root zin '(to be) black' is retained in the expression mɒ̄-ɣɒ̄-zín-ɒ̀ʔ 'wolf', literally 'its hair (is) black' [Hoijer & Joël 1963: 74]. Note that zín-ì is erroneously quoted in [Hoijer 1956: 223] for the Swadesh meaning 'black'.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 735; Golla 1996: 12. The variant ...=lin originates from *=lin-i. A nominalized formation from the verb =lin 'to flow', cʰeː=...=lin 'to flow (of blood), bleed' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 763; Golla 1996: 12, 37]. For the so-called "simple prefix" cʰeː- cf. [Golla 1970: 147]; the meaning of this element is unclear.

Li 1930: 131. Nominalized formation from the verb =lin 'to flow' [Li 1930: 122] (final -eʔ is the izafet exponent). For the prefix cʰeː-, see notes on Hupa.

    Bear River dialect: possr=se=lˈen-eʔ 'blood' [Goddard 1929: 314], the same verbal formation as in Mattole proper. Cf. the non-possessed form with the specific meaning se=lin 'blood of deer' [Goddard 1929: 314].

Goddard 1912: 30; Curtis 1924: 201. Used without obligatory possessor prefixes. Derived from the verb =lin 'to flow'; seː= corresponds to the Hupa & Mattole prefix cʰeː=.

Hoijer 1973: 53; Hoijer 1956: 223. The possessed form is possr=taɬ.

Kari 2007: 96, 346; Kari 1977: 96. Possessed: possr=tǝl-a.

Kari 2007: 96, 346; Kari 1977: 96. Possessed: possr=kutaɬtʰin-ʔa.

Kari 2007: 96, 346; Kari 1977: 96; Wassillie 1979: 12. Possessed: possr=kʰadaɫtʰin [Kari 2007: 96] or possr=kʰadaɫtʰin-a [Kari 1977: 96].

Kari 2007: 96, 346; Kari 1977: 96.

Kari 1990: 148, 487; Kari & Buck 1975: 60; Smelcer 2010: 44.

    Lower Ahtena: tel [Kari 1990: 148, 487; Kari & Buck 1975: 60; Smelcer 2010: 44].

    Western Ahtena: tel [Kari 1990: 148, 487; Kari & Buck 1975: 60; Smelcer 2010: 44].

Kari 1990: 148, 487; Kari & Buck 1975: 60; Smelcer 2010: 44.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 25, 40, 146. The original non-possessed variant is tóh, as in possr=tóh-tʼèː 'blood-clot' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 25].

Rice 1978: 45, 122; Hoijer 1956: 222. The expression for 'red' (q.v.) is also based on this noun.

Arnold et al. 2009: 60; Holton 2000: 341; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 3; McRoy 1973: 2; Shinen 1958: 4. Can be used without obligatory possessor prefixes.

Milanowski 2009: 15, 69. Apparently, can be used without obligatory possessor prefixes.

    Northway: taɬ 'blood' [Milanowski 2007: 4].

    Scottie Creek: tɤɬ, possr=tɤɬ-ʔ 'blood' [John 1997: 18].

Kari 1994: 68, 371; Tuttle 2009: 25. In [Kari 1994], quoted as tǝl, which could be a typo. Possessed: possr=tǝl-aʔ. Apparently, this anatomic term is normally applicable to humans. Cf. the denominative verb =l=tǝɬ 'to be red' [Kari 1994: 68].

    Distinct from ðǝ=kʰʌ-n-i 'animal blood / blood soup' [Kari 1994: 153], literally 'object in open shallow container' with the classificatory verb =kʰʌ 'to be in open shallow container', -i is the relativizing suffix.

Poser 1998/2013: 518, 617; Poser 2011a: 42; Antoine et al. 1974: 42, 298. Literally 'it is located in open container' with the classificatory verb =kʰai 'to handle the contents of an open container' [Poser 1998/2013: 1221, 1255].

Jetté & Jones 2000: 331, 861; Jones 1978: 23. Polysemy: 'blood / blood vessel'. Literally 'object in open shallow container', from the classificatory verb =qʰoː-n̥ [neuter imperf.] / =qʰoː-ʔ [neuter perf.] 'to be in open shallow container' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 331]. Apparently, this is specifically a Central word for 'blood'. As is noted in [Jetté & Jones 2000: 331]: "The proper word for 'blood' is tǝɬ, probably discarded upon the death of some individual in whose name it entered".

    The Upper and Lower dialects retain the old term tǝɬ 'blood' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 130]. Also this word is marginally used in the Central dialect with the meaning 'bloody' (as in tǝɬ nǝlaːn̥ 'bloody meat').

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 38; Chapman 1914: 225. Alienable possession.

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 70; Hoijer 1956: 222; Nanagusja 1996a: 45. Note the lack of the expected final -ʔ in the suffix.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 738; Golla 1996: 13, 56. Polysemy: 'bone / leg / needle, awl (made from a sharpened bone)'. The variants =cʼiŋʔ < *=cʼin-ʔ < *=cʼin-eʔ; the variants =cʼinʔ is secondary.

Li 1930: 134. Final -eʔ is the izafet exponent.

    Bear River dialect: the basic term for 'bone' is apparently attested in the collocation palːa sinː-eʔ '(deer's) wrist bone' [Goddard 1929: 296, 310] (with palːa '?').

Goddard 1912: 20; Curtis 1924: 201. Used without obligatory possessor prefixes.

Hoijer 1973: 59; Hoijer 1956: 223. The possessed forms are possr=cʼanʔ-e or possr=cʼat-eʔ (both < *possr=cʼan-eʔ). Polysemy: 'bone / leg' (attested for the variant possr=cʼat-eʔ). In [Landar 1977: 294], quoted as cʼoʔ (sic!).

Kari 2007: 86, 346; Kari 1977: 95.

Kari 2007: 86, 346; Kari 1977: 95.

Kari 2007: 86, 346; Kari 1977: 95. In [Wassillie 1979: 12] and [Kari 1977: 95], the form possr=i=z=tʰin (Upper Inlet possr=i=y=tʰin) 'bone' is also quoted (the only term for 'bone' in [Wassillie 1979]), specified as 'longish bone, tibia, ulna, femur' for all the dialects in [Kari 2007: 12, 86]. Etymologically tʰin is a classificatory root '(to be / to handle) an elongated object', cf. tʰin, e.g., in Inland ƛʼu=z=tʰin 'enclosed caribou fence (teardrop shape)', lit. 'rear long object' [Kari 2007: 213] (ƛʼu- 'buttocks, underside of a container').

Kari 2007: 86, 346; Kari 1977: 95.

Kari 1990: 405, 488; Kari & Buck 1975: 60; Smelcer 2010: 44.

    Lower Ahtena: cʼen [Kari 1990: 405, 488; Kari & Buck 1975: 60; Smelcer 2010: 44].

    Western Ahtena: cʼen [Kari 1990: 405, 488; Kari & Buck 1975: 60; Smelcer 2010: 44].

Kari 1990: 405, 488; Kari & Buck 1975: 60; Smelcer 2010: 44.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 44, 147. Polysemy: 'bone / leg / corpse'.

Rice 1978: 107, 122; Hoijer 1956: 222. Hoijer quotes the 19th c. archaic variant with kʼʷ for modern wʼ. Polysemy: 'bone / leg'.

Arnold et al. 2009: 62; Holton 2000: 124, 341; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 23; McRoy 1973: 10; Shinen 1958: 3.

Milanowski 2009: 28, 70.

    Northway: t^θʼan̥ 'bone' [Milanowski 2007: 4].

    Scottie Creek: possr=t^θʼɤn-ʔ 'bone' [John 1997: 11].

Kari 1994: 316, 372. Possessed: possr=t^θʼǝn-aʔ.

Poser 1998/2013: 510, 621; Poser 2011a: 43; Antoine et al. 1974: 52, 299.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 600, 862; Jones 1978: 24. Polysemy: 'bone / skeleton / leg / shell'. Alienable possession; possessed: possr=ƛʼǝn-ǝʔ.

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 32; Chapman 1914: 221.

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 71; Hoijer 1956: 222.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 789; Golla 1996: 14. Glossed as 'chest, breast'. Alternatively can be analyzed as possr=tʼah-ti-ye-ʔ. A descriptive formation; the underlying meaning is unclear, however.

    Distinct from possr=cʼoː-ʔ with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 739; Golla 1996: 14] and the relational noun possr=čeːʔ-xʷ 'at smb.'s breast, in front of smb.' [Golla 1996: 14] (the latter contains the locative -xʷ(i) 'at' [Golla 1970: 275]). The root čeʔ is also retained in expressions for 'breastbone' [Golla 1996: 14] and 'to be tired' [Golla 1996: 97].

Li 1930: 10, 131. Polysemy: 'breast / milk' with the example "her breast, her milk". It is unclear whether possr=cʼoː-ʔ denotes just 'female breast' or 'breast (in general)', but, since Li does not quote any other expressions for 'breast', we prefer to treat possr=cʼoː-ʔ as a generic term.

    Cf. ˈpossr=n=cʰiŋʔ 'center of smbd.'s breast' [Li 1930: 50] (< =n=cʰinʔ).

    Bear River dialect: cf. possr=cʼːo glossed as 'its breast' and 'sea lion's breast' in [Goddard 1929: 297, 320] and possr=n=tʼeː-ʔ 'above smbd.'s breast' [Goddard 1929: 307].

Not attested. Cf. the morphologically unclear stem possr=yiːcʰye 'breast', applied to a meadowlark [Goddard 1909: 157 No. 15].

Not attested. Cf. possr=cʼaw-eʔ 'female breast' [Hoijer 1973: 59; Hoijer 1956: 223].

Kari 2007: 92, 347; Kari 1977: 103.

Kari 2007: 92, 347; Kari 1977: 103.

Kari 2007: 92, 347; Kari 1977: 103.

Kari 2007: 92, 347; Kari 1977: 103.

Kari 1990: 98, 489; Kari & Buck 1975: 67; Smelcer 2010: 48.

    Lower Ahtena: possr=paː-ʔ [Kari 1990: 98, 489; Kari & Buck 1975: 67; Smelcer 2010: 48].

    Western Ahtena: possr=paː-ʔ [Kari 1990: 98, 489; Kari & Buck 1975: 67; Smelcer 2010: 48].

Kari 1990: 351, 489; Kari & Buck 1975: 67; Smelcer 2010: 48. Should rather be analyzed as possr=tʼuː-ʔ, cf. the variant tʼuː- in the compound possr=tʼuː-cʰe-ʔ 'nipple' [Kari 1990: 351] (lit. 'breast's stone').

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 45, 100, 147. Polysemy: 'breast / milk'. In the anatomic meaning, probably applicable to both men and women, although it is not definitely clear (cf., e.g., the unisex compound possr=tʼòː-kʼʷõ̀ː 'breastbone, sternum' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 45] with =kʼʷõ̀ː 'bone').

Rice 1978: 99, 128. There are two documented words for 'breast (generic)':

    1) possr=wíl-éʔ, glossed as 'chest, body' in [Rice 1978: 106], cf. the collocation 'tuberculosis (lit. chest's pain)';

    2) possr=tʼák-éʔ, glossed as 'chest (breast area)' [Rice 1978: 99], cf. the collocation 'breast bone'.

    However, the only Hare equivalent for English 'body' offered in [Rice 1978: 122] is possr=yín-éʔ, whereas possr=wíl-éʔ is not quoted with this semantics. Thus it is likely that the underlying meaning of =wíl-éʔ is 'torso' or 'upper part of torso' rather than 'breast, chest' itself. Because of this we tentatively fill the slot with =tʼák-éʔ.

    Distinct from possr=tʼóy-éʔ, glossed as 'breast' in [Rice 1978: 99], which apparently specifically denotes 'female breast', since the only found examples are "milk (lit. breast's water)", "nipple (lit. breast's head)" [Rice 1978: 99], "first teeth (lit. breast's teeth)" [Rice 1989: 189].

Arnold et al. 2009: 78; Holton 2000: 342; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 25; McRoy 1973: 8; Shinen 1958: 3. Glossed as 'chest'. Literally 'tip of cèh' with possr=čʰíː 'end, tip, point of physical object' [Arnold et al. 2009: 109]. Cf. possr=cèh-tʰàh, glossed as 'chest area' [Arnold et al. 2009: 78], literally 'in cèh' with the same morpheme cèh and the postposition -tʰàh 'in' [Holton 2000: 282]. The root cèh may be influenced on the part of possr=cěːy-ʔ 'heart' (q.v.).

    Distinct from possr=tʼúː-ʔ with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [Arnold et al. 2009: 65, 174; Holton 2000: 341; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 25; McRoy 1973: 8].

Milanowski 2009: 16, 69. Glossed as 'chest'. The first element ceh may be influenced on the part of possr=ceː 'heart' (q.v.), the final -tadn (< -tat-ǝʔ) is unclear. Cf. possr=ceh-ʔoɣŋ-ʔ 'lungs' [Milanowski 2009: 16], which contains the same root ceh.

    Distinct from possr=tʼuː-ʔ with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [Milanowski 2009: 26, 69].

    Northway: possr=ceh-tadn, glossed as 'chest' [Milanowski 2007: 5], possr=tʼuː-ʔ with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [Milanowski 2007: 4].

    Scottie Creek: possr=ceh-čĩ̀ː-ʔ, glossed as 'chest', morphologically unclear [John 1997: 11]; cf. the quoted example: "My chest hurts". Distinct from possr=tʼuː-ʔ with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [John 1997: 11, 19].

Kari 1994: 98, 133, 380. Glossed as 'chest'. The first element ay̥ is possr=ay-aʔ 'heart' (q.v.) or influenced on the part of possr=ay-aʔ; the morpheme chain tǝ-ɣʌn is unclear (Kari suggests that it contains possr=ɣʌn-aʔ 'hump, humpback'). The shortened morpheme a- 'chest / heart' is used as the first element of various compounds [Kari 1994: 97].

    Distinct from possr=t^θʼu-ʔ with polysemy: 'female breast / milk' [Kari 1994: 320, 373].

Poser 1998/2013: 153, 647; Antoine et al. 1974: 301. Polysemy: 'chest, breast region / yard measure'. Cf. Antoine et al.'s example "his chest hurts". Literally 'on top of ci', where the first element is possr=ci 'heart' q.v. or influenced on the part of possr=ci, plus the postposition -kʼʌt 'in, on, on top of' [Poser 1998/2013: 223].

    Distinct from possr=ci-kʼa glossed as 'breast (not specifically teats)' in [Poser 1998/2013: 153, 647] (which contains =ci 'heart' and unclear kʼa).

    Distinct from possr=yoh 'chest (thoracic cavity) / house, home / in (postposition)' [Poser 1998/2013: 563; Antoine et al. 1974: 53], cf. Antoine et al.'s example "The man's chest pains because he has tuberculosis".

    Distinct from yʌt 'breast (inside), chest' [Morice 1932, 1: 26] (not confirmed in [Poser 1998/2013: 584]).

    Distinct from possr=c̪ʼu-ʔ 'female breast / milk' [Poser 1998/2013: 509; Antoine et al. 1974: 51, 237].

Jetté & Jones 2000: 175, 865. Final -ǝ is not entirely clear, cf. the suffix -ǝ 'general area or time' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 10]. Generic term glossed with polysemy: 'chest, bosom, breast / on the front of' (distinct from possr=caːy-ǝʔ 'heart' q.v.). Cf. some examples: "he sleeps against my chest (said of a child)", "he (medicine person) made a slight choking noise in his upper chest (a sign that his talking spirit wanted to enter his body to speak)".

    A second, probably more marginal candidate is possr=toː-ʁoːn-ǝʔ 'chest, torso' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 255; Jones 1978: 36], literally 'bending forward' with toː- 'front' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 137] and ʁoːnʔ 'stooping, bending over, crouching' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 254]. It should be noted, however, that possr=toː-ʁoːn-ǝʔ is quoted in [Jones 1978: 36] as the default expression for 'chest'.

    Distinct from possr=tʼuk-ǝʔ 'breast / nipple / bud of tree' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 556, 865; Jones 1978: 27]. Apparently it refers specifically to 'female breast', cf. the examples: "milk is dripping from my breast", "she is weaned [lit.: she discarded the breast]" [Jetté & Jones 2000: 556]. The example "his breast" offered in [Jones 1978: 27] can be an inaccuracy. Cf. the cognate verb =tʼuːt [neuter imperf.] / =tʼuk [repetitive/customary imperf.] / =tʼuːt [repetitive perf.] 'to suck' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 555].

Kari 1978: 35.

    Two terms are in competition here: possr=oːɢ and possr=toː-ʁoːn. Out of these, possr=oːɢ is specified as 'chest and sternum area' in [Kari 1978: 35], but browsing through texts in [Chapman 1914] suggests that possr=oːɢ is the basic expression for 'breast' applicable to men, women and animals. Cf. the examples: "'It will be here at my breast (=oːɢ)', said he. Then they put it around his neck. He wore it on his bosom (=oːɢ)" [Chapman 1914: 115], "If any great beast comes in where you are, hold the stick tightly against his breast (=oːɢ)" [Chapman 1914: 130], "I [a woman] will put these stones at the sides of my chest (=toːʁoːn), and on my breast (=oːɢ) and forehead" [Chapman 1914: 130], "set it [the stick] quickly against that bear's breast (=oːɢ)" [Chapman 1914: 134]. Surprisingly, possr=oːɢ is not quoted as a separate entry in [Taff et al. 2007] at all.

    The second candidate is the deverbative possr=toː-ʁoːn, glossed as generic 'chest' in [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 35] (literally 'bending forward', see notes on Koyukon). This word is attested only once in [Chapman 1914: 130] in the aforementioned example: "I [a woman] will put these stones at the sides of my chest (=toːʁoːn), and on my breast (=oːɢ) and forehead", where =toː-ʁoːn means 'torso' rather than 'chest, breast'. On the other hand, [Taff et al. 2007] offer several instances for =toː-ʁoːn 'chest, breast': "His chest hurts", "My chest is sick", "He has a big chest". Nevertheless, we prefer to fill the slot with possr=oːɢ.

    Distinct from possr=maːmaː-ʔ 'female breast' [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 36; Chapman 1914: 213].

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 68; Hoijer 1956: 222. Paradigm: cʼū / possr=cʼūw-ɒ̀, with polysemy: 'breast / milk'. Glossed specifically as 'female breast', but the example "Young men their breasts who are cut go in. [...] While he lies his breasts they cut [...] The ropes sticks his breasts are stuck through they loop over" [Goddard 1915: 195] proves that it can be applied to 'male chest' as well.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 763; Golla 1996: 15, 35. Polysemy: 'to burn (trans.) / to set fire to / to burn (intrans.)'. The root variant =lil is progressive (< =lit-iɬ-i [Golla 1977: 356]). The same root as ɬit 'smoke' q.v.

Li 1930: 106. Polysemy: 'to burn (trans.) / to burn (intrans.)'. Originates from *=kʼanʔ; the heavy stem is =kʼaːʔn < *=kʼanʔ-i [Li 1930: 22].

    Bear River dialect: not attested.

Goddard 1912: 64. Polysemy: 'to burn (trans.) / to burn (intrans.)'. The same root as ɬǝt 'smoke' q.v.

Hoijer 1973: 64. Paradigm: =tat [imperf.] / =taʔ (< *=tat-ʔ) [perf.]. Polysemy: 'to burn (trans.) / to burn (intrans.)'.

    In [Hoijer 1956: 223], the generic term for 'to burn' (trans.?) is, however, quoted as the unclear form =kʼaɬ.

    Distinct from =lat 'to burn up (intrans.)' [Hoijer 1973: 72] (the same root as ɬat 'smoke' q.v.).

Kari 2007: 249.

Kari 2007: 249.

Kari 2007: 249; Wassillie 1979: 15.

Kari 2007: 249.

Kari 1990: 248, 491.

    Lower Ahtena: =qʼaːn [Kari 1990: 248, 491].

    Western Ahtena: =qʼaːn [Kari 1990: 248, 491].

Kari 1990: 248, 491.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 125, 148. Paradigm: =kʼṍ / =kʼõ. Polysemy: 'to burn (intrans.) / to burn (trans.) / light up, switch on light'.

Rice 1978: 221, 284, 443. Polysemy: 'to burn (intrans.) / to burn (trans.)'.

    The situation here is rather uncertain, since there are at least three verbs glossed as 'to burn' (both intransitive and transitive) in [Rice 1978; Rice 1989].

    1) =kʼõ̀ 'to make fire, burn (trans.)', =t=kʼõ 'to be on fire, burn (intr.)' [Rice 1978: 221, 284, 443]. Cf. attested examples - transitive: "We burned all the wood that was chopped" [Rice 1978: 284], "s/he made fire" [Rice 1989: 603]. Intransitive: "His house is on fire", "Because green wood is burning, the smoke is strong", "The grass started to burn" [Rice 1978: 221], "candle (lit. burning fat)" [Rice 1989: 171], "it burned" [Rice 1989: 762].

    2) intransitive =kè=...=lĩ̀ [imperf., opt.] / =kè=...=lè [perf.], transitive - same stem with the "classifier" h-. It is glossed simply as 'to burn (trans./intrans.)' in [Rice 1978: 282, 448], but more specifically as 'to burn to ashes' in [Rice 1989: 895]. See [Rice 1989: 762] for the postposition obj-kè 'on obj'. Without the exponent -kè, this verb means 'to singe' [Rice 1978: 448]. Cf. the attested example for 'to burn (trans.)': "He's burning garbage" [Rice 1978: 284]; for 'to burn (intrans.)': "She burned in a fire", "The duck was burned", "Will it all burn down?" [Rice 1978: 282], "it burned" [Rice 1989: 762].

    3) Transitive =h=ɬà 'to burn, make fire' [Rice 1978: 281, 450], historically < *=ƛʰa. Cf. attested examples: "I burned the wood" [Rice 1978: 281], "Make fire!", "I made fire", "Burn the garbage!" [Rice 1978: 363], "I burned it all up" [Rice 1989: 603], "s/he burned up obj" [Rice 1989: 712], "I burned up all the wood" [Rice 1978: 386].

    Provisionally we fill the slot with =kʼõ̀, since, on the ground of the available data, one might suspect that other candidates actually have more specific meanings: =kè=...=lĩ̀ 'to burn to ashes' and =h=ɬà 'to burn up' (as it is translated in examples in [Rice 1989]).

Arnold et al. 2009: 69; Shinen 1958: 30. Polysemy: 'to burn (intrans.) / to burn (trans.)'. Paradigm: =kʼãː [imperf.] / =kʼén-ʔ [perf.], for the stem =kʼãː see [Arnold et al. 2009: 118; Shinen 1958: 30].

Milanowski 2009: 45, 93. Polysemy: 'to burn (intrans.) / to burn (trans.) / shine, radiate'. Paradigm: =kʼãː [imperf.] / =kʼan-ʔ [perf.].

Kari 1994: 169, 375; Tuttle 2009: 31. Paradigm: =kʼʌn̥ [imperf.] / =kʼʊn-ʔ [perf.]. Polysemy: 'to burn (intrans.) / to burn (trans.)'.

Poser 1998/2013: 627, 1221, 1256; Poser 2011a: 45; Antoine et al. 1974: 300. Polysemy: 'to burn (intrans.) / to burn (trans.)'.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 363, 867; Jones 1978: 30. Paradigm: =qʼoː-y̥ [momentaneous imperf.] / =qʼun̥ [continuative imperf.] / =qʼoːn̥ [perf.]. Polysemy: 'to burn (intrans.) / to burn (trans.)'.

Chapman 1914: 229. Derived from the noun qʰʊnʔ 'fire' q.v. Cf. some examples: "His wife also cut off her hair and burned it" [Chapman 1914: 126], "Then he began to cry, and burned his parka, hair, and back, and went off as a wolverene" [Chapman 1914: 162].

Li 1930b: 22; Hoijer 1956: 223; Cook 1984: 182. Polysemy: 'to burn (intrans.) / to burn (trans.)'. Paradigm: =s=kʼɒ́ ~ =s=kʼɒ́n-.

Perfective stem.

Perfective stem.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 757; Golla 1996: 18, 35. Polysemy: 'fingernail / front claw'. Literally = laʔ 'hand' q.v. + kʰʸeʔcʼ 'claw, nail'. The latter morpheme is probably unattested outside of this compound as well as the parallel form possr=xeʔ=kʰʸeʔcʼ 'toenail' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 757; Golla 1996: 98] ('foot' q.v. + 'claw, nail').

Li 1930: 132. Meaning glossed as 'fingernail'. The first element =laʔ denotes 'hand' q.v.

    Bear River dialect: not attested. Cf. the specific term possr=kʰe=šimː-e 'toenail' [Goddard 1929: 298], where the first element is possr=kʰe(-)ʔ 'foot' q.v., whereas =šimː should be the Bear River term for 'nail'.

Curtis 1924: 201. Unreliable transcription, although the second element apparently corresponds to Hupa & Mattole. The first element =la(ʔ) denotes 'hand' q.v.

Hoijer 1973: 56; Hoijer 1956: 223. Perhaps a compound with the unclear second element -yo-. Polysemy: 'claw / fingernail'. In [Hoijer 1956: 223], quoted as possr=kʷan-yo - a contraction from possessed *wa= kan-yo-ʔ 'his/its nail' (see [Hoijer 1966: 321]).

Kari 2007: 92, 350; Kari 1977: 102.

Kari 2007: 92, 350; Kari 1977: 102.

Kari 2007: 92, 350; Kari 1977: 102.

Kari 2007: 92, 350; Kari 1977: 102.

Kari 1990: 192, 520; Kari & Buck 1975: 66; Smelcer 2010: 48.

    Lower Ahtena: possr=la=qan-eʔ [Kari 1990: 192, 520; Kari & Buck 1975: 66; Smelcer 2010: 48].

    Western Ahtena: possr=la=qan-eʔ [Kari 1990: 192, 520; Kari & Buck 1975: 66; Smelcer 2010: 48].

Kari 1990: 192, 520; Kari & Buck 1975: 66; Smelcer 2010: 48.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 31, 44, 165. Glossed with polysemy: 'fingernail / claw'; literally 'hand's nail' with =là 'hand' q.v.

    Distinct from the specific term possr=kʰé=kõ̀ː 'toenail' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 43], literally 'foot's nail' with =kʰè 'foot' q.v.

    The plain root =kõ̀ː 'claw, nail' seems to be unattested. It is interesting that synchronously, =kõ̀ː 'claw, nail' has merged with =kõ̀ː 'arm' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 41].

Rice 1978: 71, 138; Hoijer 1956: 222. Meaning 'fingernail', cf. the mirroring expression possr=kʰiè=kón-éʔ 'toenail' [Rice 1978: 65, 177]. Literally 'kon of hand' (with possr=lá-ʔ 'hand') and 'kon of foot' (with possr=kʰié-ʔ 'foot').

Arnold et al. 2009: 118; Holton 2000: 343; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 23; McRoy 1973: 9. Literally 'kẽy of hand' with possr=ìn=ɬ̬á-ʔ 'hand' q.v. The root kẽy *'nail, claw' is also attested in possr=kʰè=là(ː)=kẽ̌y-ʔ 'claw; hoof' [Arnold et al. 2009: 82, 147], literally 'kẽy of hand of foot/paw' with the additional possessor possr=kʰé-ʔ 'foot' q.v.

Milanowski 2009: 19. Meaning specifically 'fingernail', literally 'kãy of hand'. Cf. the parallel compound possr=kʰeː-kãy-ʔ 'toenail' [Milanowski 2009: 18], literally 'kãy of foot'.

    Northway: possr=laː-kãy-ʔ 'fingernail' [Milanowski 2007: 8].

    Scottie Creek: possr=laː-kã̂y-ʔ 'fingernail' [John 1997: 12], possr=kʰeː-kã̂y-ʔ ~ possr=kʰeː-laː-kã̂y-ʔ 'toenail' [John 1997: 17].

Kari 1994: 117, 403. Polysemy: 'fingernail / claw / hoof of forefoot', literally 'kʊn of hand' (with possr=lʌ-ʔ 'hand'). Cf. the compound possr=kʰa-lǝ-kʊn-aʔ 'toenail' [Kari 1994: 117], literally 'fingernail of foot' (with lǝ-kʊn < lʌ-kʊn and possr=kʰa-ʔ 'foot').

Poser 1998/2013: 232, 711; Antoine et al. 1974: 32, 308. Polysemy: 'fingernail / claw of forepaw', literally 'ki of hand' (with possr=la 'hand'). Cf. the similar compound possr=kʰe=ŋi (< *possr=kʰe=n=ki) 'toenail / claw of rear paw' [Poser 1998/2013: 210, 962; Antoine et al. 1974: 27] (possr=kʰe 'foot' and -n- which occurs in some other compounds with =kʰe). The main root =ki is not used independently.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 219, 906; Jones 1978: 61. Polysemy: 'fingernail / claws or hooves of the forelegs'. Literally 'qun of hand' with possr=loː-ʔ 'hand' q.v. and the anatomical gender exponent ǝn-/nǝ- [Jetté & Jones 2000: 460]. The main root =qun is not used independently.

    Cf. the second compound possr=qʰaː=l=qun-ǝʔ 'toenail / claws or hooves of the hind legs' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 219], literally 'fingernail of foot' (with l-qun < loː-qun and possr=qʰaː-ʔ 'foot').

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 35. According to [Taff et al. 2007], with polysemy: 'fingernail / claw'. Literally 'qǝŋ of hand' with possr=loː-ʔ 'hand' q.v. The main root =qǝŋ is not used independently.

    Cf. the second compound possr=qʰǝ=lǝ=qǝŋ 'toenail / claw' [Kari 1978: 37], literally 'fingernail of foot' (with lǝ-qǝŋ < loː-qǝŋ and possr=qʰaː-ʔ 'foot' q.v.).

Nanagusja 1996b: 154. Attested in the example "he touched bottom and got some mud under his nails". Literally 'kɒn of hand' with possr=là-ʔ 'hand' q.v.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 731; Golla 1996: 19. Distinct from mi=s=čeː ~ mi=s=čeh ‘fog, haze’ [Sapir & Golla 2001: 772; Golla 1996: 37].

Li 1930: 125. Distinct from ʔi=s=tʼˈoʔɬ 'fog' [Li 1930: 128] (where ʔi- could be the indefinite object exponent [Li 1930: 65] and -s- could be the durative perfective exponent [Li 1930: 66]).

    Bear River dialect: ʔah 'cloud' [Goddard 1929: 295, 314]. Distinct from ʔistʰoʔoɬ 'fog' [Goddard 1929: 304, 314].

Goddard 1912: 19; Curtis 1924: 204. Distinct from yi=s=tʼoːt 'fog' [Goddard 1912: 29; Curtis 1924: 205].

Hoijer 1956: 223; Hoijer 1973: 52. Polysemy: 'cloud / fog'.

    Cf. the verb =kʰat [imperf.] / =kʰaʔ < *=kʰat-ʔ [imperf.] 'to become cloudy' [Hoijer 1973: 68] and the specific noun čʼatatniː-pat-eʔ 'cumulus clouds', literally 'thunder's home' [Hoijer 1973: 61].

Kari 2007: 151, 348; Kari 1977: 139.

Kari 2007: 151, 348; Kari 1977: 139.

Kari 2007: 151, 348; Kari 1977: 139.

Kari 2007: 151, 348; Kari 1977: 139.

Kari 1990: 259, 498; Kari & Buck 1975: 89.

    Lower Ahtena: qʼos [Kari 1990: 259, 498; Kari & Buck 1975: 89].

    Western Ahtena: qʼos [Kari 1990: 259, 498; Kari & Buck 1975: 89].

Kari 1990: 259, 498; Kari & Buck 1975: 89.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 63, 153.

    Distinct from ʔàh 'fog, mist' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 3, 166].

Rice 1978: 69, 129; Hoijer 1956: 222.

    Distinct from ʔáʔ 'fog' [Rice 1978: 23, 139].

Arnold et al. 2009: 83; Holton 2000: 342; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 12; McRoy 1973: 6; Shinen 1958: 12.

    Distinct from čʼè=cʼéƛ 'low clouds along mountains' [Arnold et al. 2009: 83] (glossed as 'fog' in [Holton 2000: 343]), literally 'smth.'s brush' with cʼéƛ 'brush, bush (away from town)' [Arnold et al. 2009: 68, 69].

Milanowski 2009: 19. Explained as 'general word for clouds of any number or size'.

    Distinct from čʼi=cʼaɬ 'fog' [Milanowski 2009: 14, 74] (čʼi= is the indefinite possessive pronoun).

    Northway: kʼoh 'cloud' [Milanowski 2007: 6].

    Scottie Creek: kʼòh 'cloud' [John 1997: 63], tʰàː-š̬ɯːh 'fog' [John 1997: 64] (the first element tʰàː means 'water', for the second element cf. š̬ɯh 'snow' [John 1997: 66]).

Kari 1994: 171, 381; Tuttle 2009: 45.

    Distinct from ʌk 'fog, mist' [Kari 1994: 24, 406].

Poser 1998/2013: 231, 652; Poser 2011a: 56; Antoine et al. 1974: 129, 302; Morice 1932, 1: 24. Poser quotes it with - s̪, Antoine et al. & Morice with -s. Cf. Poser's examples: "There were clouds this morning", "There are clouds present when it is going to rain".

    Distinct from yat 'cloud', which is "used only in expressions about it being cloudy, not to refer to individual clouds" [Poser 1998/2013: 554].

    Distinct from ʔa 'fog, mist' [Poser 1998/2013: 23; Antoine et al. 1974: 1].

Jetté & Jones 2000: 368, 877; Jones 1978: 40. Glossed as 'cloud, cumulus cloud'. Literally 'cloud of sky' with yoː 'sky' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 696], although simple qʼuɬ 'cloud' is also used.

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 46.

Hoijer 1956: 223; Cook 1984: 67. Initial nà= is not entirely clear.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 780; Golla 1996: 19; Golla 1970: 143, 249. In [Golla 1996: 19], also the reduced root variant =qʼucʼ is also quoted. Verbal root: 'to be cold'. Widely applicable (to things, water, humans, weather, etc.).

    Distinct from =leː 'to be cold, frozen' (said of a person) [Sapir & Golla 2001: 763].

Li 1930: 28, 106. In [Li 1930: 28], this is specified as 'to be cold (of weather)', although in [Li 1930: 106], =kʼac is quoted as a generic term for 'to be cold'.

    Distinct from =cʼiŋ 'to be frozen' (said of a person) [Li 1930: 111]; originates from *=cʼin; the heavy stem is =cʼin < *=cʼin-i [Li 1930: 21].

    Bear River dialect: not attested. Cf. =cʰaŋ 'to be cold' (said of a person) [Goddard 1929: 298, 314].

Goddard 1912: 71. Verbal root: 'to be cold'. Widely applicable: to water, weather, moon, etc., cf. examples in [Goddard 1909: 96 No. 1, 99 No. 14, 121 No. 5]. Paradigm: =tʰǝŋ < *=tʰin / =tʰǝn < *=tʰin-i.

Hoijer 1973: 68. Verbal root, glossed as 'to be(come) cold, cool off'. Paradigm: =kʼeʔ [imperf., perf.] / =kʼaːʔ-s [perf.] [Hoijer 1973: 68 No. 200, 69 No. 202; Hoijer 1956: 223]. Applied to weather and, apparently, to objects, as may be seen from the gloss 'to cool off'.

    Cf. the second documented verb for 'to be cold': =kʰoɬ [Landar 1977: 294] which is, however, not a very reliable gloss.

Not attested.

Not attested.

Wassillie 1979: 23. Quoted by Wassillie as the only Inland term for 'cold (adj.)'. Applicable to both objects ('cold fat remains' [Wassillie 1979: 35]) and weather ('it's cold' [Wassillie 1979: 30], 'I am cold' [Wassillie 1979: 23]).

Not attested.

Kari 1990: 252, 499.

    Lower Ahtena: =qʼaʔs [Kari 1990: 252, 499].

    Western Ahtena: =qʼacʼ [Kari 1990: 252, 499].

Kari 1990: 252, 499.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 48, 117, 153. Verbal root: 'to be cold'. Applied to both weather/atmosphere (example: "It gets chilly at night") and objects (in the latter meaning glossed as 'to be cold to touch'). Paradigm: =kʼò / =kʼà.

    Distinct from é=cá 'to be cold' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 25, 153]; apparently this is not a proper verb, but a fossilized verbal form, used as a noun-like adjective. The exact meaning and application of é=cá is unclear, but the explicit gloss écá 'cold weather' [Marinakis et al. 2007: 162] and the collocation écá-nèkʼé 'cold country, Arctic, north country' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 25] suggest that é=cá is applicable to weather, not objects.

    Distinct from the deverbative substantive té=h=kʰó 'cough, cold, phlegm' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 15, 153].

Rice 1978: 382, 442, 493. Verbal stem: 'to be cold'. Cf. the examples: "cold wind" [Rice 1978: 129], "The water is really cold" [Rice 1978: 382].

    Distinct from the verb =kù '(it is) cold' [Rice 1978: 493], applicable specifically to weather, as in the examples: "I'm cold because my jacket is too thin" [Rice 1978: 219], "The cold made him shiver" [Rice 1978: 294], "I went in because it was cold outside" [Rice 1978: 397], "it is cold except for the house" [Rice 1989: 307].

    Distinct from =ƛù (< =t=lù) 'to shiver / to be frozen, cold' [Rice 1978: 365, 424] as in "I almost froze" [Rice 1978: 365], "I am cold, starved, frozen" [Rice 1989: 453].

Arnold et al. 2009: 84; Holton 2000: 226, 239, 349; Shinen 1958: 19. Verbal form 'it is cold' with the adjectival/gender exponent n= [Holton 2000: 237 ff.]. Applied to both objects and weather. In [Holton 2000], quoted as either n=éː=kʼèð or n=èː=kʼét^θ. According to [Arnold et al. 2009], the verbal paradigm is =kʼèt^θ [imperf.] / =kʼàːt^θ [perf.].

Milanowski 2009: 45, 94. Verbal stem: 'to be cold', without further semantic specification. Cf. the adjectival form n=eː=kʼat 'cold'.

    Distinct from u=n^d=e=t=kʼɯː 'cold spell' [Milanowski 2009: 45], implying the verb =t=kʼɯː 'to get cold (of weather)'.

    Scottie Creek: the noun-like adjective kʼɤt 'cold' as in "I'm drinking cold water" [John 1997: 39] and the verbal form n=eː=kʼɤt 'cold' as in "Is it cold outside?" [John 1997: 63]. Distinct from =kʼɯː 'to get cold (of weather)' [John 1997: 63, 64].

Kari 1994: 172, 382; Tuttle 2009: 46. The transitional imperf. form is =kʼʌθ. Verbal stem: 'to be cold'; also functions as the noun-like adjective kʼʊt^θ ~ kʼʊt^θ-aʔ 'cold'. Applicable to both objects and weather. Cf. the examples: "cold water", "cold weather".

    Distinct from the more marginal deverbal adjective ʔǝ=ƛi 'cold' [Kari 1994: 96] (with the non-informative examples "it is cold", "he is cold"); further the substantive ƛi 'cold', the verb =ƛi 'to starve' [Kari 1994: 96].

Poser 1998/2013: 653, 1221, 1256; Poser 2011a: 57; Antoine et al. 1974: 302. Verbal stem: 'to be cold', applicable to both objects and weather. Cf. its substantivized form hʌ=kʼʷʌz̪ 'cold' [Poser 1998/2013: 192].

    Distinct from the substantive ƛi 'cold (as affecting the human body)' [Morice 1932, 1: 24] (not confirmed in [Poser 1998/2013: 151]) and the verb =t=ƛi 'to feel cold' [Poser 1998/2013: 653, 1219, 1251; Antoine et al. 1974: 302].

Jetté & Jones 2000: 179, 878; Jones 1978: 40. Adjectivized verbal form 'it is cold', applicable to both objects and weather. Cf. some examples: "His ears are cold" [Jones 1978: 54], "The floor is cold" [Jones 1978: 65], "It is cold out (= cold weather)" [Jones 1978: 114], "He would go hunting but it is too cold" [Jones 1978: 31]. This expression for 'cold' is used in the Central and Lower dialects.

    In the Upper dialect, the form ǝ=ƛiː is used for 'cold' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 155], but it remains unclear whether ǝ=ƛiː is applicable only to weather (as in Jetté & Jones' examples) or also to objects. The Upper form ǝ=ƛiː can be either inherited (cf. the Koyukon cognate verb =ƛiː-ʔ 'to starve, starve to death, be very hungry' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 155]) or, more probably, borrowed from Lower Tanana ʔǝ=ƛi 'cold'.

    Distinct from the substantive kʼǝ=qʼoƛ 'cold object, cold weather, cold air' (kʼǝ= is the indefinite possessive) and the verb =qʼoƛ / =qʼoːɬ 'to be intensely cold (of weather)' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 369, 370].

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1976: 43; Chapman 1914: 230. Verbal stem: 'to be cold'. Paradigm: =qʼʊt^θ [stative imperf.] / =qʼǝð [transitional imperf.] / =qʼoːt^θ [transitional perf.] / =qʼʊθ [transitional future]. Applicable to both objects and weather. Cf. attested examples: "it became frosty weather" [Chapman 1914: 125], "They dressed themselves in brown-bear skins, for it had grown cold" [Chapman 1914: 135], "it drew toward winter" [Chapman 1914: 163], "October (lit. the cold month)", "I want cold water" [Taff et al. 2007].

    Distinct from the fossilized verbal form ǝ=ʐeː '(it is) cold', said of weather and atmosphere [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 45; Kari 1976: 67; Chapman 1914: 210]. Cf. the examples: "It [weather] became cold" [Chapman 1914: 135], "In December it's really cold", "His ears are cold", "My fingers are cold", "It was cold early this morning", "When the mountain appears small from a distance, it's going to get colder", "October (lit. the month it gets cold)" [Taff et al. 2007]. Note the two synonymous descriptive expressions for October, based on =qʼǝð and ǝ=ʐeː respectively.

    Distinct from =loːq 'to have cold' [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1976: 33].

Li 1930b: 22; Hoijer 1956: 223; Cook 1984: 173; Nanagusja 1996a: 129. Verbal stem: 'to be cold', applicable to both objects and weather. Paradigm: =V=kʼɒ́s [imperf.] / =V=kʼɒ̀ːz ~ =V=kʼɒ̀c- [perf.].

Sapir & Golla 2001: 803; Golla 1996: 19; Golla 1970: 229 et passim. Same root as 'to go' q.v. The general meaning of the root is 'to move somewhere [intrans.]' [Golla 1970: 162, 301]. Used with sg. subj. The set =yaː-ʍ (*=yaː-ʍ-i) / =yaː is treated in [Golla 1977: 357] as directional imperfective/perfective, whereas =yaː / =ya-ʔ (< *=yaː-ʔ) is defined as nondirectional imperfective/perfective.

    With pl. subj. the verb =tiɬ [light imperf.] / =til < *=tiɬ-i [heavy imperf.] / =teːƛʼ < *=teːɬ-ʔ-i [perf.] is used instead [Sapir & Golla 2001: 750; Golla 1996: 19, 40; Golla 1970: 162].

Li 1930: 62 sub No. 44, 66 sub No. 3, 75. The light perfective stem; the heavy perfective stem is =ya-i; the imperfective stem is =yaː-x. Polysemy: 'to go (q.v.) / to come / to go away'. Used with sg. subj.

    Distinct from =tiɬ [imperf.] / =teːʔl (< *=tel-ʔ-i) [perf.] with polysemy: 'to go / to come / to go away / to fly' [Li 1930: 65 sub No. 9, 88], used with pl. subj.

    Bear River dialect: not attested reliably.

Goddard 1912: 60. Paradigm: =ya-š [imperf.] / =ya ~ =ya-i ~ =ya-ʔ [perf.]. Polysemy: 'to go (q.v.) / to come / to go away'. Used with sg. subj.

    Distinct from =tǝɬ [imperf.] / =telʔ (< *=tel-ʔ-i) [perf.] with polysemy: 'to go / to come / to go away' [Goddard 1912: 69], used with pl. subj. (cf. notes on 'to go').

Hoijer 1973: 69; Landar 1977: 294. Paradigm: =ya-š [imperf.] / =yaː [perf.]. Polysemy: 'to go / to come'. This is the generic verb 'to move (intrans.)', used with sg. subj.

    See notes on 'to go' for other verbs for 'to move (intrans.)': =taɬ / =teʔɬ (dual. subj.), =kʰat / =kʰaʔ (pl. subj.).

Kari 2007: 234.

Kari 2007: 234; Boraas 2010: 24.

Kari 2007: 234; Wassillie 1979: 24; Tenenbaum 1978: 186.

Kari 2007: 234.

Kari 1990: 422, 500.

    Lower Ahtena: =yaː [Kari 1990: 422, 500].

    Western Ahtena: =yaː [Kari 1990: 422, 500].

Kari 1990: 422, 500.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: ix. Used with sg. & dual. subj. The verb =ƛʰá is only quoted in [Saxon & Siemens 1996] with the meaning 'to go' q.v., but actually the attested examples suggest that =ƛʰá possesses the standard Athapaskan polysemy: 'to go / to come': "You have come (=ƛʰá) here so soon!" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 49], "Because her husband came back (=ƛʰá), she rushed around" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 77], "He came back (=ƛʰá) here" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 85], "She came (=ƛʰá) to see me three times" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 92].

    With pl subj., the verb =tè 'to go / to come' is used, cf. the example "Last week you people said you would come here" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 82].

    Distinct from the verb =té, which is quoted in [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 153] as the basic equivalent for 'to come', but actually seems marginal in this meaning: =té is glossed as 'to be, get to be (situation), happen, occur, go, do, come' in [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 3].

Rice 1978: 191, 468. There are two verbs found in available examples with the meaning 'to come':

    1) =t=tʼĩ̀, polysemy: 'to go / to come', sg., dual., pl. subj.' [Rice 1978: 191, 468]. Cf. the examples: "We came for nothing", "In spring, people go to the bush" [Rice 1978: 191], "I wasn't pleased that he came in late" [Rice 1989: 303], "I don't know why he came" [Rice 1989: 1254].

    2) suppletive =tà / =yà, polysemy: 'to go / to come', sg. subj., see notes on 'to go'. Cf. the examples: "s/he came here but s/he didn't stay long" [Rice 1989: 48], "s/he came after us" [Rice 1989: 296], "s/he comes customarily" [Rice 1989: 673], "I hope that he doesn't come" [Rice 1989: 1106].

    We have to treat these two verbs as synonyms.

Arnold et al. 2009: 133; Holton 2000: 214, 350. A generic verb of going with polysemy: 'to go / to come', used with sg. subj. Suppletive paradigm: =hàːɬ [imperf., fut.] / =š̬àh [perf.]. Historically, apparently =hàː-ɬ.

    With pl subj., the verb =téɬ [imperf., fut.] / =tèːƛ [perf.] 'to go / to come / to run / to fly' is used [Arnold et al. 2009: 133; Holton 2000: 160, 214, 350].

    For the meaning 'to come', cf. some examples: "I'm coming (=hàːɬ) from work" [Arnold et al. 2009: 297], "he came (=š̬àh) from far away" [Arnold et al. 2009: 115], "he came (=š̬àh) from his house" [Arnold et al. 2009: 127], "I came (=š̬àh) back from Tanacross" [Arnold et al. 2009: 274], "that's the way we came (=tèːŁ)" [Arnold et al. 2009: 97], "lots of people came (=tèːƛ) for the potlatch" [Arnold et al. 2009: 171].

Milanowski 2009: 43, 119. A generic verb of going with polysemy: 'to go / to come', used with sg. subj. Suppletive paradigm: =haːɬ [imperf., fut.] / =š̬ʸah [perf.] / =t=taː-k [customary].

    With pl subj., the verb =teːɬ [imperf., perf.] / =ta-ɬ [fut.] / =t=ta-k [customary] 'to go / to come' is used [Milanowski 2009: 119].

Kari 1994: 332, 412; Tuttle 2009: 87; Urschel 2006: 26. A generic verb of going with polysemy: 'to go / to come', used with sg. & dual. subj. Paradigm: =yʌ-y̥ [momentaneous/customary imperf.] / =yʌ [perf.] / =yʌ-ɬ [momentaneous progressive]. Further see notes on 'to go'.

Poser 1998/2013: 654, 1223, 1263; Poser 2011a: 57; Antoine et al. 1974: 302. A generic verb of going with polysemy: 'to go / to come', used with sg. subj. Paradigm: =ya [continuous imperf.] / =ya-ʔ [continuous perf.] / =yai-h [customary/momentaneous imperf.] / =ya-ɬ [progressive imperf.]. Further see notes on 'to go'.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 700, 878; Jones 1978: 41; Jones & Kwaraceius 1997: 109. A generic verb of going with polysemy: 'to go / to come', used with sg. subj. Suppletive paradigm: =hoː-y̥ [momentaneous imperf.] / =yoː [momentaneous perf.] / =hoː-ɬ [momentaneous fut.] / =yoː-ʔ [momentaneous opt.] / =hoː [continuative imperf.] / =yoː [continuative perf.] / =hoː-ɬ [continuative fut.] / =hoː-ɬ [continuative opt.]. Further see notes on 'to go'.

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1976: 2; Chapman 1914: 212. A generic verb of going with polysemy: 'to go / to come', used with sg. subj. Suppletive paradigm: =oː-y̥ [momentaneous imperf.] / =yoː [momentaneous perf.] / =hoː-ɬ [momentaneous fut.] / =yoː-ʔ [momentaneous opt.] / =hoː-ʔ [continuative imperf.] / =yoː [continuative perf.]. For further notes, see 'to go'.

Li 1930b: 16; Cook 1984: 56. A generic verb of going with polysemy: 'to go / to come', used with sg. subj. Paradigm: =yá(h) [imperf.] / =yā [perf.]. Cf. such examples as "When did you come?" [Cook 1984: 52], etc. Further see notes on 'to go'.

Rice 1978: 311, 415, 505.

Perfective stem, sg. subj.

Perfective stem, sg. subj.

Perfective stem, sg. subj.

Perfective stem, sg. subj.

Perfective stem.

Golla 1996: 25. According to the same source, the most common expression for 'to die (of human)' is the euphemistic tah-xoːʔ ʔaː-čʼi-ti-yaw 'in-some-way he-did-it' (=yaw < =yah-i), based on the suppletive verb =tʼiŋ (< *=tʼeːn) [light imperf.] / =tʼeːn (< *=tʼeːn-i) [heavy imperf.] / =yah [light perf.] / =yaw [heavy perf.] / =nih [light optative] / =niw [heavy optative] 'to do (so); to happen' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 791, 805; Golla 1996: 26, 43; Golla 1970: 286]. Textual evidence confirms this as the default expression, cf. such examples with perfective =yah / =yaw as: "She made an infusion for (her older sister) who was just about to die" [Sapir & Golla 2001: 309 No. 24], "That night he said, 'I've got a headache!' Before dawn, in the first light, he died" [Golla 1984: 53, 55], "They thought he had been dead for some time" [Golla 1984: 46, 49], "If I should talk the Indians would be no more. They would die" [Goddard 1904: 217, 219], "When they came to the village they were told that a man had died" [Goddard 1904: 175, 178].

    Cf. examples for ‘to die’ with the imperfective stem (=tʼiŋ / =tʼeːn): "Despite this, he did not die" [Sapir & Golla 2001: 327 No. 6], "People would never have died but for that" [Goddard 1904: 221, 224], "He took care of the people who died" [Goddard 1904: 346, 349], "but if she does eat them, these eels of mine won't die" [Goddard 1904: 253, 261], "It (= the eels) won't die" [Goddard 1904: 256, 262]. It should be noted that, according to the two latter examples, the expression 'to do it in some way' is applied to animals as well. Cf. examples for ‘to die’ with the optative stem (=nih / =niw): "When someone dies, they bring a board into the house" [Sapir & Golla 2001: 188 No. 1], "When people would die" [Sapir & Golla 2001: 327 No. 2]

    A second candidate is the verb =čʼit 'to die; to be tired out, weak from exhaustion' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 743; Golla 1996: 25, 97], which, in the meaning 'to die', is noted by Golla as "direct term; very impolite". In known examples =čʼit is applied preferably to animals, mythological monsters or the waning moon: "It is impossible for us to die" (the enemies of Little Woodpecker say) [Sapir & Golla 2001: 422 No. 146], "It (= the salmon) died at once" [Goddard 1904: 266, 268], "He (= the monster Two-Neck) did not die ... And then he died" [Goddard 1904: 164, 167], "He (= the monster) thought, 'For nothing I will die' ... At that resting place he died" [Goddard 1904: 346, 347, 349], "the waning moon (when its going from full to new)" [Golla 1996: 104]. Clear examples for =čʼit applied to a human being are: "Such a person doesn't die in a good way" [Sapir & Golla 2001: 176 No. 16], "He dies in a bad way" [Sapir & Golla 2001: 179 No. 14], "I fell like I’m going to die" (a woman says) [Sapir & Golla 2001: 223 No. 5-6], "His brother almost died (of fright)" [Goddard 1904: 328, 330].

    A third candidate for 'to die' is the verb =čeh (heavy stem: =čeːw < *=čeh-i) 'to crowd, flock; to pile up', noted in [Golla 1996: 25] as "polite term".

    The default Hupa expression for 'to die (of human)' is apparently the one with =tʼiŋ / =yah ('to do it in some way').

Li 1930: 87. Originates from *=tinʔ; the heavy stem is =tiːʔn < *=tinʔ-i [Li 1930: 22]. Distinct from =laʔt 'to die' (said of a tree) [Li 1930: 119].

    Bear River dialect: not attested.

Goddard 1912: 70. Heavy stem, originating < *=tǝn-i.

Hoijer 1973: 71; Hoijer 1956: 223; Landar 1977: 294.

Not attested reliably. Cf. =la-l, literally 'to be' used with sg. subj., and =tʼis 'to die, die off (pl. subj.)' in the example "One after another they are dying off (=tʼis) and all of Susitna is gone (=la-l)" [Lovick 2005: 192, ex. 5.25f].

Boraas 2010: 46. Attested in the example "He died suddenly".

Wassillie 1979: 28, 45. Three Inland verbs for 'to die' are attested.

    1) =qʰi=sil [Wassillie 1979: 28, 45]. This seems to be the most frequent expression used with human subject. Cf. the following examples: "I am gone (= dying)" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 16], "the husband was gone (= died)" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 17, 18], "his parents died" [Tenenbaum 1976 3: 68], "a person is dead" [Wassillie 1979: 28], vǝ=qʰi=sil-ǝn 'dead person', literally 'one who is gone' [Kari 2007: 73, 99].

    2) =yuq [Wassillie 1979: 28, 45]. This seems to be the default expression used with animal subject. Cf. the examples: "dog died" [Wassillie 1979: 28], "chickadee died" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 9], "raven died" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 34], "seal died" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 56].

    3) =ƛan [Wassillie 1979: 28]. The only attested example is: "He died" [Wassillie 1979: 28].

Not attested.

Kari 1990: 408, 508.

    Lower Ahtena: yeːʔ=tʰ=e=l=cʼet [Kari 1990: 408, 508].

    Western Ahtena: yeːʔ=tʰ=e=l=cʼet [Kari 1990: 408, 508].

Kari 1990: 408, 508.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 32, 157. Used with sg. subj.

    Distinct from =dé 'to die (pl. subj.)', quoted in [Saxon & Siemens n.d.] with the example "We are dying" (missing from [Saxon & Siemens 1996]).

    The expressions for 'to kill' q.v. contain the same roots: =wí (sg. obj.) and =té (pl. obj.).

Rice 1978: 294, 388, 478, 496; Hoijer 1956: 222. Paradigm: =wì [imperf.] / =wè [perf.], used with both sg. and pl. subj. [Rice 1989: 792].

Arnold et al. 2009: 96; Shinen 1958: 34. Used with sg. subj.

    With pl. subj., the verb =ɬ̬àːk 'to die' is used [Arnold et al. 2009: 96].

    Both verbs are applicable to humans and animals, although it is noted in [Arnold et al. 2009] that these are rarely used for people due to taboo (i.e., impoliteness). It is likely that more common forms for 'to die' are various euphemistic expressions, but these are not documented.

Milanowski 2009: 54, 95, 120. It is unclear whether =h=tʰĩː is applicable to sg. subj. only or to both sg. and pl. subj. Euphemistically derived from the verb =tʰĩː 'to sleep (sg. subj.)' q.v.

Kari 1994: 197, 390; Tuttle 2009: 57. Examples are only avilable for sg. subj.

    Distinct from =lʌx [imperf.] / =lʌk [perf.] 'to die', applicable to pl. subj. [Kari 1994: 190].

Poser 1998/2013: 670, 1223, 1262; Poser 2011a: 67. Used with sg. & pl. subj. Paradigm: =c̪a-h [imperf.] / =c̪ai [perf.]. In [Antoine et al. 1974], erroneously transcribed as ta=...=cai, cf. "Many people died during the famine" [Antoine et al. 1974: 73], "he is dying (very near death)" [Antoine et al. 1974: 77], "He understands how a person feels when a relative dies" [Antoine et al. 1974: 222], etc.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 708, 889; Jones 1978: 48. Literally 'it happens to subj' with the suppletive verb =naːχ [imperf., opt.] / =t=yoːχ [perf.] / =niː-ɬ [fut.] 'to occur, happen' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 708]. Probably this is the basic expression for 'to die', used with sg. human subj.

    A second candidate is =l=ƛʰoː-χ [imperf.] / =l=ƛʰoː-n̥ [perf.] 'to die' (sg. subj.) [Jetté & Jones 2000: 582; Jones 1978: 48], but available examples show that it is more commonly applied to non-humans, i.e., to animals and plants.

    Distinct from =naː [imperf.] / =noː-n̥ [perf.] 'to die', used with pl. subj. (both humans and non-humans) [Jetté & Jones 2000: 481].

    Another equivalent for 'to die', applicable to pl. human subj. is the rare verb =loːχ [imperf.] / =loːq [perf.] with polysemy: 'to become unconscious / to fall asleep / to become paralyzed / to die' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 414].

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1976: 36; Chapman 1914: 214. Literally 'it happens to subj' with the suppletive verb =naːχ [imperf., opt.] / =tǝ=yoːq [perf.] / =neː-ɬ [fut.] 'to happen'. Used with both sg. and pl. subj. Cf. some examples: "So he died. His wife put him into the kayak, among fine skins" [Chapman 1914: 126], "He died suddenly", "Lots of them died from the sickness" [Taff et al. 2007].

    The second candidate is =t^θʰoː-χ / =t^θʰoː-n-ʔ 'to die' [Kari 1976: 53; Chapman 1914: 220], but apparently this verb is applied specifically to animals, cf. the available examples: "the dried fish fell on him, and he [the mythical Mouse] died" [Chapman 1914: 206], "dead [of animal] (lit. it's dead)" [Taff et al. 2007].

Li 1930b: 23; Hoijer 1956: 223; Cook 1984: 176. Paradigm: =cʰɒ̀ [imperf.] / =cʰɒ́ [perf.].

Light perfective stem.

Perfective.

Perfective.

Perfective.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 763, 766; Golla 1996: 27; Golla 1964: 117. Polysemy: 'pet animal / dog / horse'. Another designation of 'dog' is the descriptive term noː=kʼʸi=neː=yoːt, literally 'it barks at something' [Golla 1996: 9, 27] from the verb =yoːt (the variant =yoh < =yot#) 'to bark' [Golla 1996: 9]. Golla [Golla 1996: 27] quotes ɬiŋʔ and noː-kʼʸi-neː=yoːt as synonyms in the meaning 'dog', but browsing through Hupa texts in [Goddard 1904; Sapir & Golla 2001; Golla 1984] clearly suggests that ɬiŋʔ is the default designation for 'dog'. Examples for ɬiŋʔ 'dog' are numerous in [Goddard 1904] and [Sapir & Golla 2001] (e.g., "I wish I had a dog to go along with me" [Goddard 1904: 114, 131], "A dog skin blanket was hanging there over the door" [Goddard 1904: 170, 173], "Dogs are not allowed to eat his left-overs" [Sapir & Golla 2001: 191 No. 30]), Golla's examples are: "Don't even let a dog look from there!" [Golla 1984: 32, 34], "dogs never come here" [Golla 1970: 301]. By contrast, no textual examples for noː=kʼʸi=neː=yoːt have been found.

Li 1930: 128.

    Bear River dialect: naɬʔi ~ neɬʔi with polysemy: 'dog / horse' [Goddard 1929: 306, 315].

Goddard 1912: 23. Browsing through [Goddard 1909] suggests that possr=loː or possr=loː-c (with the diminutive suffix [Goddard 1912: 27]) are the default expressions for 'dog', although there is also an alternative form naɬkiː ~ naɬʔkiː 'dog' [Goddard 1912: 31, 90, 118]. The latter is morphologically unclear, cf. Mattole naːƛʼiː 'dog'. In [Curtis 1924: 202] and [Essene 1942: 86], however, 'dog' is quoted as nati.

    Distinct from the word for 'horse': ɬin-čʰo [Curtis 1924: 202], literally 'big pet' with the augmentative suffix -čʰoː [Goddard 1912: 26].

Hoijer 1973: 61; Landar 1977: 294. The possessed form is possr=lĩː-čʼ-eʔ with the old suffix -čʼ. Cf. the term for 'horse': ɬĩʔ-čʰoh [Hoijer 1973: 61], literally 'big dog' (historically 'big pet') with the augmentative suffix -čʰoh, for which see notes on 'big'.

Kari 2007: 11, 241, 349; Kari 1977: 30.

Kari 2007: 11, 241, 349; Kari 1977: 30.

Kari 2007: 11, 241, 349; Kari 1977: 30; Wassillie 1979: 29.

Kari 2007: 11, 241, 349; Kari 1977: 30.

Kari 1990: 280, 510; Kari & Buck 1975: 8; Smelcer 2010: 66.

    Lower Ahtena: ɬi-kʼʸeː [Kari 1990: 280, 510; Kari & Buck 1975: 8; Smelcer 2010: 66].

    Western Ahtena: ɬi-kʼʸeː [Kari 1990: 280, 510; Kari & Buck 1975: 8; Smelcer 2010: 66].

Kari 1990: 280, 510; Kari & Buck 1975: 8; Smelcer 2010: 66.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 100, 158. The initial affricate ƛʰ- in the non-possessed form is strange, although paralleled by some other Athapaskan languages.

    Cf. ƛʰĩ́-čʰó 'horse' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 101], literally 'big dog' with the augmentative suffix -čʰó [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 8].

Rice 1978: 77, 133; Hoijer 1956: 222. In [Hoijer 1956], we find the 19th c. archaic variant ƛʰĩ (before the spirantization). Possessed form: possr=lĩ̀-éʔ (< *=lĩ-q-eʔ)

    Cf. lĩ̀-šò 'horse' [Rice 1978: 78] , literally 'big dog' with the augmentative suffix -šò.

Arnold et al. 2009: 100; Holton 2000: 342; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 1; McRoy 1973: 1. The specific suffixed stem is used in the possessed form: possr=ɬ̬ǐː-g-ʔ. The plural form is modified with the plural suffix: ɬìː-ʔìn 'dogs' [Arnold et al. 2009: 100; Holton 2000: 157].

    In [Shinen 1958: 12], the word for 'dog' is transcribed as ƛʰi.

Milanowski 2009: 20, 67. The possessed form is not documented.

    Northway: ɬĩː 'dog' [Milanowski 2007: 2].

    Scottie Creek: ɬĩː, possr=ɬ̬ĩ̀ː-k 'dog' [John 1997: 21].

Kari 1994: 181, 392; Tuttle 2009: 58. Possessed: possr=li-k-aʔ; the non-possessed form ɬi-k-a was leveled by analogy with the possessed one. In compounds, the suffixless root ɬi- is retained: ɬi-cʼaʔa 'bitch, female dog', ɬi-kʌya 'puppy', etc.

Poser 1998/2013: 256, 673; Poser 2011a: 70. Possessed: possr=lʌ-k. Plural: ɬi-kʰe. Polysemy: 'dog / horse' in the recent past.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 388, 893; Jones 1978: 50. Polysemy: 'dog / tame animal, pet'. Possessed: possr=liː-k-ǝʔ; the non-possessed form ɬiː-k was leveled by analogy with the possessed one. Plural: ɬiː-qʰaːʔ 'dogs / pets'. In compounds, the suffixless root ɬiː- is retained: ɬiː-cʼaːʔǝ 'bitch, female dog', etc. [Jetté & Jones 2000: 389].

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 5; Chapman 1914: 218. In compounds, the suffixless root ɬeː- is retained: ɬeː-ʼaːʔ 'bitch', ɬeː-qoːy 'puppy' etc. [Kari 1978: 5].

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 68, 70; Hoijer 1956: 222; Cook 1984: 65. Paradigm: ƛʰī ~ ƛʰí ~ ƛʰí-čʼá [sg.] / possr=ƛʰíh-ɒ̀ʔ [sg.] / ƛʰí-kʰá ~ ƛʰí-čʼá-kʰá [pl.] / possr=lí-kʰá ~ possr=ƛʰí-kʰúw-ɒ̀ʔ [pl.]. In [Goddard 1915: 248], the pl. form possr=lí-čʼá-kʰá 'dogs' can also be found. Note the distribution ƛʰ- / -l- retained in Cook's and Goddard's data, leveled in favor of ƛʰ in Hoijer & Joël's glossary.

    Suffixed stem ƛʰí-čʼá with polysemy: 'dog / horse'.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 774; Golla 1996: 29; Golla 1996a: 388; Golla 1970: 147. The imperfective root variants are =naŋ < *=naːn [light] / =naːn < *=naːn-i [heavy], the perfective root variants are =naŋʔ < *=naːn-ʔ [light] / =naʔn < *=naːn-ʔ-i [heavy]. In [Golla 1996], also the reduced light imperfective variant =nuŋ is quoted.

Li 1930: 94. This is the heavy imperfective stem, originating from *=naːn-i; the light imperfective stem is =naːh < *=naːn [Li 1930: 21]; the perfective stem is =naːʔn < *=naːn-ʔ-i. Distinct from =xix, glossed as 'to drink (to sip?)' in [Li 1930: 80].

    Bear River dialect: not attested.

Goddard 1912: 65. This is the heavy stem, originating from *=nan-i; the light stem is =naŋ < *=nan.

Hoijer 1973: 66; Hoijer 1956: 223. Paradigm: =naː [imperf.] / =na-ʔ [perf.].

Kari 2007: 278, 349.

Kari 2007: 278, 349.

Kari 2007: 278, 349; Wassillie 1979: 31; Holton et al. 2004: 22.

Kari 2007: 278, 349.

Kari 1990: 289, 511.

    Lower Ahtena: =tʰ=naːn [Kari 1990: 289, 511].

    Western Ahtena: =tʰ=naːn [Kari 1990: 289, 511].

Kari 1990: 289, 511.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 124, 159.

    Distinct from =cʼè 'to drink, sip' [Saxon & Siemens n.d.].

Rice 1978: 422, 497; Hoijer 1956: 222. Originally from *=t=nõ. Polysemy: 'to drink / to overeat'. This is the basic verb for 'to drink' as confirmed by such examples as: "I don't like him to drink", "Drink the tea", "Did you really drink four cups?", "He drank too much" [Rice 1978: 364], "They're not letting me drink water" [Rice 1978: 192], "Do you want to drink tea?" [Rice 1978: 370], "Drink up the juice" [Rice 1978: 386], "I overate" [Rice 1978: 202].

    Distinct from =h=tsʼè, which is also glossed as 'to drink' in [Rice 1978: 472, 497], but available examples show that it is normally applicable to tea and nothing else, thus the underlying meaning of =h=tsʼè should be rather 'to sip': "Who drank up my tea?" [Rice 1978: 387], "Do you drink tea?" [Rice 1978: 373], "Who drank up my tea?" [Rice 1978: 387].

Arnold et al. 2009: 102; Holton 2000: 175, 349; Shinen 1958: 35. Paradigm: =t=nãː [imperf.] / =t=nã́-ʔ [perf.]. In [Holton 2000: 349], quoted as =t=nàː - a typo.

Milanowski 2009: 48, 95.

Kari 1994: 226, 394; Tuttle 2009: 62. Paradigm: =t=nun̥ [imperf.] / =t=nun-ʔ [perf.] / =t=nu-y̥ [custmary].

Poser 1998/2013: 677, 1222, 1258; Poser 2011a: 72; Antoine et al. 1974: 305. Paradigm: =t=nai [imperf.] / =t=nai-ʔ [perf.] / =t=ni-h [custmary imperf.].

Jetté & Jones 2000: 492, 894; Jones 1978: 51. Paradigm: =nuːn̥ [durative imperf.] / =nuː-y̥ [momentaneous imperf.] / =nuːn-ʔ [perf.].

    Distinct from =zǝs 'to sip, drink (hot liquid, alcoholic beverage)' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 737].

Kari 1976: 37; Chapman 1914: 214. Paradigm: =neːn̥ [imperf.] / =neːn-ʔ [perf.] / =neː-ɬ [fut.] / =neː-y̥ [opt.]. In [Taff et al. 2007] it is specified as 'to drink, gulping smth. cold', but browsing through Chapman's text examples suggests that =neːn̥ is retained as the basic verb for 'to drink': "'I will drink some water', said she; and when she drank, she swallowed the spruce-needle" [Chapman 1914: 112], "and asked her for some water. 'There is some', said she, 'out there on the floor. Drink!'" [Chapman 1914: 169], "So he drank the water; and she gave him some food, and he ate it" [Chapman 1914: 169], "Three days he spent there without anything to eat or drink" [Chapman 1914: 178], "Then she reached down a little bowl with some water in it. 'Here', said she, "drink this!" [Chapman 1914: 179].

    It is interesting that in the modern language as described in [Taff et al. 2007], the default verb for drinking is =ʐeːʂ [imperf.] / =ʐǝʂ [perf.] which means both 'to drink' and 'to sip' (in [Kari 1976: 68], only its original meaning 'to sip' is quoted). Cf. the examples for =ʐeːʂ 'to drink' from [Taff et al. 2007]: "I drank tea in a cup", "She's drinking tea", "When he was drunk he drowned", "drink, soda pop (lit. what they drink)'.

Li 1930b: 18; Hoijer 1956: 222. Paradigm: =tɒ́ ~ =tɒ́n- [imperf., perf.], historically < *=t=nɒ́n. In [Hoijer 1956], however, quoted simply as =nɒ́(n-).

Sapir & Golla 2001: 735; Golla 1996: 29; Golla 1970: 137, 177 et passim. The light imperfective stem =cʰaːy < *=cʰaːy-i; the perfective stem is =cʰay-ʔ < *=cʰaːy-ʔ with the causative meaning 'to dry (trans.)'. Verbal root 'to be dry'. Widely applicable: stuff (e.g., clothes, wood), food (e.g., salmon), snow.

Li 1930: 107. Intransitive verb 'to be dry'. The transitive counterpart is =cʰai-ʔ 'to dry smth' [Li 1930: 108], which coincides with the optative stem =cʰai-ʔ of the intransitive verb.

    Bear River dialect: only the transitive verb =sai(ʔ) 'to dry (smth)' is documented [Goddard 1929: 315].

Goddard 1912: 73. Verbal root with polysemy: 'to be dry / to dry (trans.)'.

Hoijer 1973: 70. Verbal root with polysemy: 'to be dry / to dry (trans.) / to be bony, emaciated'.

Kari 2007: 63 sub dry wood, 151 sub drought (dry time or area), 282 sub dried meat, 285 sub dry fish bellies; Kari 1977: 78 sub dry wood.

Kari 2007: xxvii, 63 sub dry wood, 151 sub drought (dry time or area), 282 sub dried meat; Kari 1977: 78 sub dry wood.

Kari 2007: xxvii, 61 sub dry branches, 63 sub dry wood, 135 sub snowdrift (dry snow), 151 sub drought (dry time or area), 282 sub dried meat, 285 sub dry fish bellies; Kari 1977: 78 sub dry wood; Wassillie 1979: 31.

    A second documented Inland verb for 'to be dry, dried out' is =čʼiš [imperf.] / =čʼičʼ [perf.], attested in the examples "It is dried out" [Wassillie 1979: 31], "he threw out some dried caribou flank meat to him: 'This dried up stuff is the only kind there is in here'" [Tenenbaum 1976 1: 38], "Your tail will dry up" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 46], "Raven cut off his dried-up foot" [Tenenbaum 1976 2: 49]. The difference between the two verbs is unclear; we treat both as synonyms.

Kari 2007: xxvii; Kari 1977: 78 sub dry wood.

Kari 1990: 191, 512.

    Lower Ahtena: =qan [Kari 1990: 191, 512].

    Western Ahtena: =qan [Kari 1990: 191, 512].

Kari 1990: 191, 512.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 26, 117, 127, 160.

    There are three Dogrib verbs with the meaning 'to be dry':

    1) =kṍ [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 26, 117, 127, 160] with polysemy: 'to be dry / to dry (trans.) / to be skinny'. The attested examples are: "The clothes are drying on the line", "My mouth is dry" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 26], "Everybody wants to dry a lot of fish for dryfish" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 28], 'dry wood' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 104], "It is protected from drying out" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 109], "She protects it from drying out" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 127].

    2) =žà / =šà [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 18, 160] with polysemy: 'to be dry / to dry (trans.)'. The found examples are: "The clothes are going to get dry", "powdered (= dry) milk" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 18].

    3) =čà, glossed as 'to be dried' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 73, 159]. This one is apparently a morphological variant of =žà.

    We treat =kṍ and =žà as synonyms.

Rice 1978: 426, 498.

    There are two Hare verbs with the meaning 'to dry (intrans.)' (with the h-classifier 'to dry (trans.)'): =fà (< *cʰV) and =kõ̀. Both are widely used and the semantic difference between them is unclear. We have to treat them as synonyms, although the verb =kõ̀ tends to be applicable specifically to meat and fish and thus could be ruled out in future.

    Cf. the found examples for intrans. =fà and trans. =h=fà: "The clothes are dry" [Rice 1978: 259], "The clothes dried on the line", "It dried from exposure to the weather" [Rice 1978: 306], "The field dried up" [Rice 1978: 338], "it is dry" [Rice 1989: 456], "I dried the clothes" [Rice 1978: 313], "The creeks are all dried up" [Rice 1978: 391].

    Cf. the found examples for intrans. =kõ̀ and trans. =h=kõ̀: "'the string is dry" [Rice 1989: 245], "The fish are drying" [Rice 1978: 219], "My skin is dry", "The fish is dry" [Rice 1978: 256], "The fish are drying" [Rice 1978: 390], "The meat is dried" [Rice 1989: 454], "Dry the meat" [Rice 1978: 365].

Arnold et al. 2009: 104; Holton 2000: 349; Shinen 1958: 20.

    There are several documented terms for '(to be) dry'. Two of them we prefer to treat as synonyms.

    1) The verb =h=kẽy̥ 'to dry (trans.)' / =l=kẽy̥ 'to be dry', which is quoted as the main term for 'dry' in [Arnold et al. 2009: 104; Holton 2000: 349; Shinen 1958: 20]. The adjectival meaning can be expressed either as one of the forms n=è=l=kẽy̥ or t=è=kẽy̥ '(it is) dry' (with the adjectival/gender exponents n= or t= [Holton 2000: 237 ff.]) or as the noun-like adjective kẽy̥. The found examples, however, are not very illustrative: "the woman is drying (=kẽy̥) fish" [Arnold et al. 2009: 104], "dry (kẽy̥) meat" [Arnold et al. 2009: 172], "he is skinny (lit. dry, n=è=l=kẽy̥) because he was sick" [Arnold et al. 2009: 236], "my chin is dry (=kẽy̥) (i.e.: I am thirsty)" [Arnold et al. 2009: 268].

    2) The verbal form t=éː=š̬àːk '(it is) dry' [Arnold et al. 2009: 104] with the adjectival/gender exponent t= [Holton 2000: 237 ff.]. Cf. the examples in [Arnold et al. 2009: 104]: "the ground is completely dry", "the moss is really dry", "dried out leaves (in autumn)".

    Distinct from a more specific verb =l=t^θʰày̥ 'to be drying', applied to clothes, tents, etc. [Arnold et al. 2009: 104].

Milanowski 2009: 73. Glossed with polysemy: 'dry / withered / thin'. Apparently this noun-like adjective is the basic expression for 'dry' in Tetlin. Cf. the cognate verb =h=kãy̥ 'to dry (intrans., trans.), air-dry smth.' with the examples "The cups are drying", "She is drying fish" [Milanowski 2009: 95].

    A second candidate is the noun-like adjective t^θʰay, attested in the example "spruce firewood which is mostly dry" [Milanowski 2009: 27, 86] and the verb =l=t^θʰay̥ 'to make dry' [Milanowski 2009: 95, 100].

    Northway: kãy̥, glossed with polysemy: 'dry / withered / thin' and the cognate verb =h=kay̥ in the transitive example "Someone is drying dishes" [Milanowski 2007: 7].

    Scottie Creek: kãy̥, eː=kãy, t=eː=kãy 'dry', attested in the examples "I am eating dry meat" [John 1997: 42], "dry ground" [John 1997: 42], "dry firewood" [John 1997: 58], "dry branch" [John 1997: 60].

Kari 1994: 116, 394; Tuttle 2009: 63. Verb 'to be dry'. Paradigm: =kʊn̥ [imperf.] / =kʌ-y̥ [customary]. Also functions as the noun-like adjective kʊn̥ 'dry'. Cf. Kari's examples: "dry wood", "dry fish", "dry meat", "dry surface", "cube sugar".

Poser 1998/2013: 684, 1220, 1252; Poser 2011a: 74; Antoine et al. 1974: 306. Verbal stem: 'to be dry'.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 218, 895; Jones 1978: 52. Verbal stem: 'to be dry'. Paradigm: =qun̥ [neuter imperf.] / =qoː-y̥ [customary imperf.]. Widely applicable, cf. some examples: "The clothes dried", "The king salmon is dry", "place is dry".

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1976: 21. Verbal stem: 'to be dry / to dry (trans.)'. Also functions as the noun-like adjective qǝŋ̥ 'dry, dried'. Cf. the examples from [Taff et al. 2007]: "It dried", "My hands are dry (lit. the skin on my hands is dry)", "He's chewing dried meat", "I went for dry wood", "dried apples or other dried fruit (lit. dried ears)".

    The second candidate is the verb =ʰǝ, glossed as 'to be dry' in [Kari 1976: 58], but not found in other sources.

Li 1930b: 21; Cook 1984: 159. Verbal stem: 'to be dry'. Cf. Cook's example: "It (wood) is dry".

Wassillie 1979: 31.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 18, 160. The variant =šà is attested after the suffixal =h=; innovative pronunciation: =zà / =sà.

Rice 1978: 431, 498.

Arnold et al. 2009: 104.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 811; Golla 1996: 30; Golla 1964: 113.

Li 1930: 132. Surprisingly, specified by Li as 'ear (ear interior)', but no other words for 'ear' are documented in [Li 1930], thus it is likely that possr=čiɣ-eʔ is actually a generic term.

    Bear River dialect: possr=čug-eʔ ~ possr=čʰig-e 'ear' [Goddard 1929: 315].

Goddard 1912: 22; Goddard 1909: 110 No. 2, 114 No. 10, 181 No. 10; Curtis 1924: 201. Sporadic ejectivization čk > čʼk in Goddard's transcription is quite unclear.

Hoijer 1973: 58; Hoijer 1956: 223; Landar 1977: 294. In [Landar 1977], transcribed as sʸaːi.

Kari 2007: 89, 349; Kari 1977: 98. Literally 'extending to his hearing' or 'extending his inner ear' with the classificatory verb =ʔu 'to handle a single compact object' [Tenenbaum 1978: 132, 135; Holton et al. 2004: 40; Boraas 2010: 65, 118]. The Upper Inlet incorporated element ci historically means 'inner ear, hearing' (cf. the cognate Degexit'an, Koyukon, Tanacross etc. forms for 'inner ear, hearing'). This is also attested in the synchronic Tanaina expressions for 'inner ear, hearing': Outer Inlet, Inland possr=či-yiqʼ, Upper Inlet possr=ci-qʼ-e [Kari 2007: 89], where -(yi)qʼ is the postposition 'inside, into' (cf. Outer Inlet -(y)iqʼ 'inside, into' [Boraas 2010: 27, 35]).

Kari 2007: 89, 349; Kari 1977: 98.

Kari 2007: 89, 349; Kari 1977: 98; Wassillie 1979: 32.

Kari 2007: 89, 349; Kari 1977: 98.

Kari 1990: 167, 513; Kari & Buck 1975: 62; Smelcer 2010: 45.

    Lower Ahtena: possr=caʁ-eʔ [Kari 1990: 167, 513; Kari & Buck 1975: 62; Smelcer 2010: 45].

    Western Ahtena: possr=caʁ-eʔ [Kari 1990: 167, 513; Kari & Buck 1975: 62; Smelcer 2010: 45].

Kari 1990: 167, 513; Kari & Buck 1975: 62; Smelcer 2010: 45.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 40, 160. Glossed as 'outer ear, ear'. Literally 'edge of cèː' with cèː *'ear' and possr=^mpàː 'edge, seam' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 107]. Cf. ^mpàː in other compounds like, e.g., tĩ́lí-^mpàː 'roadside' ← tĩli 'road' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 97], cʼí-^mpàː 'sails' ← cʼí 'boat' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 106].

    Distinct from possr=сìː, glossed as 'ear, hearing' in [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 40, 160]; apparently the meaning 'inner ear, hearing' is implied.

Rice 1978: 52, 135; Hoijer 1956: 222. The old term =ce- ~ =ca- 'ear' is retained in the compounds cè-lù 'earrings', possr=cà-pár-éʔ ~ possr=cè-pár-éʔ 'earlobe' [Rice 1978: 52]; final -lù is the attributive 'round', a suffixless cognate to the verb =lùl-è 'to be round 3D' q.v. (see [Rice 1989: 244] for South Slavey -lú 'round'); final =par-e is the attributive 'rounded, curved' [Rice 1978: 257, 531].

Arnold et al. 2009: 106; Holton 2000: 342; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 23; McRoy 1973: 8.

    Distinct from possr=cìː 'inner ear, hearing' [Arnold et al. 2009: 106; Holton 2000: 344].

Milanowski 2009: 13, 69. Final -ŋʔ is the izafet exponent (...ɣŋʔ < *...k-ǝʔ).

    Northway: possr=caɣ-ŋʔ 'ear' [Milanowski 2007: 7].

    Scottie Creek: possr=cǎk 'ear' [John 1997: 12].

Kari 1994: 103, 395.

    Distinct from possr=ci-yit ~ possr=ci-yet 'inner ear, hearing' [Kari 1994: 103, 329; Tuttle 2009: 99] (contains the postposition obj=yit 'in, inside').

Poser 1998/2013: 153, 688; Poser 2011a: 76; Antoine et al. 1974: 22, 306.

    Distinct from possr=ceh 'ear as organ of hearing' [Poser 1998/2013: 151, 688].

Jetté & Jones 2000: 169, 896; Jones 1978: 54.

    Distinct from possr=cǝ-y ~ possr=ciː-y ~ possr=cǝ-yǝt ~ possr=ciː-yǝt 'inner ear, hearing' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 170; Jones 1978: 54]. Final -y ~ -yǝt is the fossilized postposition -yiː ~ -yiːt 'in, inside' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 680].

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 33. The variant possr=cǝʁ is from [Kari 1978].

    Distinct from possr=ceː 'inner ear' [Taff et al. 2007], possr=ceː-t 'hearing' [Kari 1978: 33].

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 71; Hoijer 1956: 222.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 778; Golla 1996: 30. Polysemy: 'dirt / earth / ground'. Originates from *ninʔV. Cf. also ninisʼaːn with polysemy 'country, land / world, surface of the earth / mountain' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 778; Golla 1996: 30], probably < *ninʔ-sa-ʔaːn 'ground-lies', according to Golla.

Not documented. The old root ninʔ 'earth' is, however, attested in ne=ʔ=noː=nˈiŋ-kix 'earthquake', formed with the verb =kix 'to shake (intrans.)' [Li 1930: 99].

    Bear River dialect: not attested.

Goddard 1912: 20; Curtis 1924: 205. Polysemy: 'soil / land / world'. For the meaning 'soil' cf. examples like "He poured into it [into the canoe] a quantity of soil that they might have a fire in the canoe" [Goddard 1909: 125 No. 13].

    Distinct from ɬec ~ ɬeč 'clay' [Goddard 1912: 19; Goddard 1909: 147 No. 11, 76 No. 3-5, 133 No. 10].

Hoijer 1973: 55; Hoijer 1956: 223. Glossed as 'earth, land, country'. The second element -teː is not entirely clear.

    Cf. the cognate noun nanʔ-sʼãː 'world, cosmos' [Hoijer 1973: 55], which is an exact match for Hupa ninisʼaːn 'world' (see notes on Hupa 'earth').

Kari 2007: 144, 358; Kari 1977: 122.

Kari 2007: 144, 358; Kari 1977: 122.

Kari 2007: 144, 358; Kari 1977: 122.

Kari 2007: 144, 358; Kari 1977: 122.

Kari 1990: 275.

    Lower Ahtena: ɬeːc [Kari 1990: 275].

    Western Ahtena: ɬeːc [Kari 1990: 275].

Kari 1990: 275.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 86, 161. Innovative pronunciation: tè. Polysemy: 'ground / land / earth / dirt'. For the meaning 'earth', cf. the collocations tèː-čʰĩ̀ː 'wooden cache insulated with earth' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 18], tèː-tʰõ̀ː 'wooden cache insulated with earth or moss' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 18].

    Distinct from nèkʼé, which is attested in two collocations: tíː nèkʼé 'world, earth' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 19], literally 'this nèkʼé' with demonstrative tíː 'this' q.v.; hážõ̀ː nèkʼé 'world, earth' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 50], literally 'all nèkʼé' with demonstrative hážõ̀ː 'all' q.v.

Rice 1978: 82; Hoijer 1956: 222. The possessed from is =nén-éʔ. Polysemy: 'earth (soil) / land / ground / back (anatomic)'. In [Rice 1978], glossed only as 'land, ground'. Cf. the collocation tèrì nénéʔ 'world, earth' [Rice 1978: 47, 135], literally 'this earth'.

Arnold et al. 2009: 97, 160, 321; Shinen 1958: 12. Polysemy: 'soil / dirt / ground / land, country'.

Milanowski 2009: 21, 75. Polysemy: 'earth, soil / ground / land'.

    Northway: nanʔ 'earth, soil / ground / land' [Milanowski 2007: 9].

    Scottie Creek: nɤnʔ, glossed as 'earth, land' [John 1997: 46].

Kari 1994: 205, 395; Tuttle 2009: 66. Polysemy: 'earth, soil / ground / land, country'.

    Cf. the collocation nǝnʔ-kʰʌkǝt 'the world, the earth' [Kari 1994: 205] with the postposition obj=kʰʌkǝt 'on, upon the surface of obj.' [Kari 1994: 155].

Poser 1998/2013: 579; Antoine et al. 1974: 283. Polysemy: 'earth, soil / ground / floor'. Cf. some examples: "the soil here is sandy" [Poser 1998/2013: 882], "He is digging up the ground for a garden" [Poser 1998/2013: 579].

Jetté & Jones 2000: 474, 897. Polysemy: 'earth, soil / land, country / ground'.

Taff et al. 2007. Polysemy: 'earth, soil / mud'. Cf. the found examples: "Dig a hole and cover it up with earth" [Taff et al. 2007], "Now, the mess of salmon tails and fins that they had cooked was full of dirt and earth" [Chapman 1914: 175].

    Distinct from ŋaːnʔ 'land / world / ground' [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 42; Chapman 1914: 216], the variant ŋǝnʔ is used in incorporation.

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 74. Initial ku= is the fossilized indefinite personal possessive [Hoijer & Joël 1963: 66], literally 'somebody's ƛʼis'. Glossed simply as 'earth' by Hoijer & Joël, but apparently with polysemy: 'earth, soil / dirt, mud'. The example for the meaning 'earth, soil' is contained in [Sapir 1923], the tale "Lodge-Boy and Thrown-Away": "He spread earth all around inside the tent". In the creation myth quoted in [Nanagusja 1996b: 153-154], however, ku=ƛʼis is consistently translated as 'mud, dirt' (as opposed to niskʼa 'land', the latter was being created from mud). The same translation 'dirt' is offered for the example in [Cook 1984: 49]: "He threw dirt in his eye".

    In [Hoijer 1956: 223], the equivalent nī is offered for the Swadesh item 'earth'; unfortunately, this archaic form is not confirmed by other sources.

    Distinct from nìskʼá 'land', attested in the creation myth [Nanagusja 1996b: 153-154] (probably nis-kʼa with the postposition -kʼá 'on' [Cook 1984: 189]; further ni-s-kʼa?). Translation 'land' is confirmed for nìskʼá by the example in [Cook 1984: 71]: 'God', literally "earth he has made".

    Distinct from ƛʰɒ̀ːz / possr=ƛʰɒ̀c-ɒ̀ʔ 'soft earth, mud; white clay' [Hoijer & Joël 1963: 68].

Sapir & Golla 2001: 805; Golla 1996: 30; Golla 1996a: 388; Golla 1970: 154. The imperfective root variants are =yaŋ < *=yan [light] / =yaːn < *=yaːn-i [heavy], the perfective root variants are =yaŋʔ < *=yaːn-ʔ [light] / =yaʔn < *=yaːn-ʔ-i [heavy]. In [Golla 1996], also the reduced root variant =yuŋ [light imperf.] is quoted. Cf. the cognate noun kʼʸi-wi=yul 'what one eats (in general), food' < *=yaːn-ɬ-i [Golla 1996: 37].

    Distinct from the ablaut verb =yeː ~ =yeh [imperf.] / =yaː-n (< *=yaː-n-i) [perf.] ‘to eat up, devour’ [Sapir & Golla 2001: 805, 806, 820; Golla 1996: 25]. The basic verb =yaːn ‘to eat’ looks like a result of generalization of the perfective stem of the aforementioned verb ‘to devour’.

Li 1930: 77. The imperfective root variants are =yaŋ < *=yaːn [light] / =yaːn < *=yaːn-i [heavy], the perfective root variants are =yaŋʔ < *=yaːn-ʔ [light] / =yaːʔn < *=yaːn-ʔ-i [heavy], see [Li 1930: 21 f.].

    Distinct from the ablaut verb =yeː [imperf.] / =yaːh (< *=yaː-n) [light perf.] / =yaː-n (< *=yaː-n-i) [heavy perf.] with polysemy 'to eat (clean) up / to win (in gambling)' [Li 1930: 77].

    Bear River dialect: =ya(h) / =yaŋ 'to eat' [Goddard 1929: 315].

Goddard 1912: 61. The imperfective root variants are =yaŋ < *=yaːn [light] / =yan < *=yaːn-i [heavy], the perfective root variant is =yanʔ < *=yaːn-ʔ-i [heavy].

Hoijer 1973: 69; Hoijer 1966: 326. Paradigm: =yãː [imperf.] / =yã-ʔ [perf.]. Also attested in a textual passage: "I used to drink human blood early in the morning, and (only) then I would eat (čʼa=š=yãː) well" [Jacobs 1968: 184 No. 11]. In [Hoijer 1956: 223], the basic verb for 'to eat' is erroneously quoted as =ya.

    There is actually a second verb for 'to eat' in [Hoijer 1973: 68]: =kʰat [imperf.] / =kʰaʔ (< *=kʰat-ʔ) [perf.]. Both =yãː and =kʰat are quoted by Hoijer without semantic specifications and comments, but since =kʰat is only attested in [Hoijer 1973], it is likely that =kʰat is a more marginal or semantically specific word, and, therefore, cannot be considered a full-fledged synonym of the basic verb =yãː.

    Distinct from the specific verb =kaʔs 'to eat grass-like food (e.g., spinach); to graze (intrans.)' [Hoijer 1973: 67].

Kari 2007: 278, 349.

Kari 2007: 278, 349.

Kari 2007: 278, 349; Wassillie 1979: 32; Holton et al. 2004: 23.

Kari 2007: 278, 349.

Kari 1990: 429, 513.

    Lower Ahtena: =yaːn ~ =t=aːn [Kari 1990: 429, 513].

    Western Ahtena: =yaːn ~ =t=aːn [Kari 1990: 429, 513].

Kari 1990: 429, 513.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 123, 161. The system of Dogrib verbs of eating is complicated and not all of its details are clear. Based on attested examples, it may be concluded that =ʔà is the basic verb for 'to eat'. Subj. = sg. only(?), human/animal; obj. = any(?). Cf. especially the indefinite context "What are you eating?" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 123], and also the following examples: "Take two pills a day", "He eats donuts (by dunking them) in tea" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 75], "Obviously the dog ate it" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 85], "He is eating it all", "I ate all the bread" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 118], "The boy took the meat but he didn't eat it" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 123].

    There are two other verbs, glossed as 'to have a meal, eat' by Saxon & Siemens:

    1) =tʰĩ́ [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 92, 161], subj. = sg. & dual., human only(?). The examples are: "Eat!" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: iv], "Eat and then you may play" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 38], "Because I'm taking pills I can't eat", "I am able to eat" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 49], "They are thankful because they have meat to eat" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 92], "I've already eaten" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 122], and especially "Because you were eating delicious meat,..." [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 131].

    2) =žé (innovative pronunciation =zé) [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 92, 161], subj. = pl., human only(?). The examples are: "There they cook meat and eat" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 39], "Lots of people are eating", "Are you going to eat?" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 92].

    As may be seen from the examples, =tʰĩ́ and =žé are normally used as intransitive verbs; the most obvious counterexample where transitive use is attested is "Because you were eating (=tʰĩ́) delicious meat,...". It is possible that the Dogrib system is quadruple: transitive sg. =ʔà / transitive pl. ? / intransitive sg./dual. =tʰĩ́ / intransitive pl. =žé. It must be noted that it is unclear from the available sources which verb is used in the transitive function with pl. (and dual.) subj.

    We prefer to treat transitive =ʔà and intransitive =tʰĩ́ as synonyms.

    There are also several additional verbs of eating with more specific meanings:

    1) =tè 'to eat', subj. = any; obj. = pl. [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 124, 161]. The examples: "We are eating crackers" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 16], "My mother eats any kind of berries at all" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 51], "In summer time bears eat berries of any kind" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 99], "Lots of people take medicine when their throats are sore", "I'm eating raisins" [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 124]

    2) =xà 'to eat; chew on', subj. = animal [Saxon & Siemens n.d.]; missing from [Saxon & Siemens 1996].

    3) =kʼá 'to eat', obj. = meat, orange, etc. (i.e., juicy food?) [Saxon & Siemens n.d.]; missing from [Saxon & Siemens 1996]. The example: "She is going to eat it".

Rice 1978: 333, 463, 499.

    The basic Hare verbs for 'to eat' are =t=tʰĩ̀, used with sg. & dual. subj. [Rice 1978: 333, 463], and =l=yiè with pl. subj. [Rice 1978: 333, 482].

    Cf. numerous examples for sg. & dual. =t=tʰĩ̀: "He ran home to eat" [Rice 1978: 188], "I'm eating fish", "I ate again", "He's noisy when he eats", "We had already started to eat when they came in" [Rice 1978: 333], "He keeps me from eating" [Rice 1978: 370], "He eats all the time" [Rice 1978: 564], "I ate some food and it was bad for me" [Rice 1989: 25], "s/he ate berries, meat, and fish" [Rice 1989: 48], "who ate the bread?" [Rice 1989: 257], and so on.

    Cf. examples for pl. =l=yiè: "We'll eat soon", "Let's eat" [Rice 1978: 333], "we just finished eating" [Rice 1989: 345].

    Besides there is the old verb for eating, =ʔà, used with sg., dual. & pl. subj. It is glossed with polysemy: 'to eat / to chew' in [Rice 1978: 356, 401], but specified as 'to chew / to eat a small meal, snack' in [Rice 1989: 789]. This one is definitely more rarely used than =t=tʰĩ̀. Cf. the found examples for =ʔà: "I got a bad stomach from the food that I ate", "She has to take medicine" [Rice 1978: 356], "they are eating" [Rice 1989: 623], "I am eating (something)" [Rice 1989: 629].

    Distinct from =t=tiè 'to eat (individual pieces, one by one)' [Rice 1978: 363, 386, 416], =t=ciè 'to eat up' [Rice 1978: 387, 425].

Arnold et al. 2009: 107; Holton 2000: 349; Shinen 1958: 36. Paradigm: =ʔáːɬ [imperf.] / =ʔáːƛ [perf.].

Milanowski 2009: 38, 96.

    Scottie Creek: =hã̂ː 'to eat' [John 1997: 40], a different root.

Kari 1994: 27, 395; Tuttle 2009: 67

    There are two verbs for 'to eat' in Lower Tanana:

    1) =yʌn̥ ~ =tʌn̥ [durative imperf.] / =yʌn-ʔ ~ =tʌn-ʔ [durative perf.] [Kari 1994: 339, 395; Tuttle 2009: 66].

    2) =ʔʌɬ [imperf.] / =ʔʌƛ [perf.] [Kari 1994: 27, 395; Tuttle 2009: 67].

    The verb =yʌn̥ is glossed simply as 'to eat', whereas =ʔʌɬ is specified as 'to eat, chew' by Kari and 'to eat smth. (chewing)' by Tuttle; actually =ʔʌɬ shows polysemy: 'to eat / to bite' (q.v.). It is stated in [Kari 1994: 339] that =ʔʌɬ is more frequently used than =yʌn̥ for the meaning 'to eat', which is why we prefer to take =ʔʌɬ as the basic verb for 'to eat' (as well as for 'to bite').

    Distinct from the specific verb =l=taƛ 'to eat (pl. obj.)' [Kari 1994: 65, 396] (note that =yʌn̥ and =ʔʌɬ are used with both sg. and pl. obj.).

Poser 1998/2013: 689, 1218, 1247; Poser 2011a: 77; Antoine et al. 1974: 306. Polysemy: 'to eat / to chew'. Paradigm: =ʔaɬ [imperf.] / =ʔal [perf.] =ʔʌɬ [customary].

    Distinct from the baby-talk verb =paʔ 'to eat' [Poser 1998/2013: 689, 1249].

Jetté & Jones 2000: 285, 897; Jones 1978: 54. Paradigm: =(h)oːn̥ [durative imperf.] / =(h)iː-y̥ [momentaneous imperf.] / =(h)oːn-ʔ [perf.]. Perhaps normally used with sg. obj.

    Distinct from =l=taːɬ [imperf.] / =l=taːƛ [perf.] with polysemy: 'to eat (pl. obj.) / eat, graze upon obj. (of animal)' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 121].

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1976: 3; Chapman 1914: 225. Paradigm: =hoːn̥ [durative imperf.] / =heː-y̥ [momentaneous imperf.] / =hoːn-ʔ [perf.] / =heː-ɬ [fut.]. Used with sg. subj. (regardless of the number of objects), cf. some examples: "He's eating breakfast", "I am eating crackers", "I'm eating from a dish", "She is eating", "He's eating fast", "I like to eat fish", "I'll eat it with onions", "Porcupine is sitting on a birch tree eating birch bark", "Raven is eating something" [Taff et al. 2007].

    Distinct from =ɬ=noː-n̥ [imperf.] / =ɬ=noː-ʔ [perf.] 'to eat' [Kari 1976: 36], used with sg. subj. (regardless of the numer of obj.), cf. some examples: "they started to eat obj", "they don't eat obj" [Hargus 2000: 5], "we'll eat", "we started to eat" [Hargus 2000: 11], "You guys eat!", "We'll eat later", "We don't eat mushrooms" [Taff et al. 2007].

Li 1930b: 20; Hoijer 1956: 222.

    As noted in [Cook 1984: 156] and elsewhere, there are two verbs for 'to eat' in Sarsi, both without reliable etymology:

    1) =s=nɒ̄ ~ =s=nɒ́- [imperf.] / =s=nɒ̀-ʔ [perf.] [Li 1930b: 20; Cook 1984: 156; Hoijer 1956: 222]. Cf. some examples: "What (kind) do you eat?" [Cook 1984: 60], "I don't eat that kind" [Cook 1984: 62], "The domestic animals that belong to you, that kind of animal, I eat" [Cook 1984: 65], "Grandfather: Let's sit down and eat" [Nanagusja 1996b: 69].

    2) =cʰáʔ ~ =cʰát- [momentaneous imperf.] / =čʰíːž [iterative imperf.] / =cʰàʔ ~ =cʰàt- [perf.] [Li 1930b: 23, 25; Cook 1984: 156]. The iterative form =čʰiž was regularly assimilated < *=cʰiž (further < *=cʰit-ž). Cf. some examples: "He will eat all the food" [Cook 1984: 78], "'Because you do not speak to me, I shall eat it" [Cook 1984: 90], "He's finished eating" [Cook 1984: 157], "Don't eat!" [Cook 1984: 221], "after lunch, have them say: 'I ate well'" [Nanagusja 1996b: 70].

    Both verbs are provided by a number of textual instances (above), but the semantic or pragmatic difference between the two is unclear. We treat them as synonyms.

    Distinct from =s=tʼàh [imperf.] / =s=tʼàʔ ~ =s=tʼàk- [perf.] 'to eat up, to annihilate' [Li 1930b: 19].

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 92, 161.

Perfective stem.

Perfective.

Li 1930b: 23; Cook 1984: 156.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 794; Golla 1996: 31; Golla 1964: 110.

Li 1930: 126. Quoted by Li as ʔi=ɣˈeːx-eʔ with the indefinite possessive pronoun (for which see notes on 'meat').

    Bear River dialect: kʼoŋ ~ kʼoŋʔ 'egg' [Goddard 1929: 315].

Goddard 1912: 21; Essene 1942: 86.

Hoijer 1973: 57; Hoijer 1956: 223. Quoted in [Hoijer 1973] as weːseʔ without a possessor prefix; probably a typo.

Kari 2007: 39, 349; Kari 1977: 53.

Kari 2007: 39, 349; Kari 1977: 53. In Nikolai Rezanov's data (1805), 'egg' is quoted as an unclear form possr=ƛʼazƛi [Kari 2007: 39]: apparently an error.

Kari 2007: 39, 349; Kari 1977: 53; Wassillie 1979: 33.

Kari 2007: 39, 349; Kari 1977: 53.

Kari 1990: 216, 513; Kari & Buck 1975: 25; Smelcer 2010: 43.

    Lower Ahtena: possr=ʁeːz-eʔ [Kari 1990: 216, 513; Kari & Buck 1975: 25; Smelcer 2010: 43].

    Western Ahtena: possr=ʁeːz-eʔ [Kari 1990: 216, 513; Kari & Buck 1975: 25; Smelcer 2010: 43].

Kari 1990: 216, 513; Kari & Buck 1975: 25; Smelcer 2010: 43.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 37, 161. Polysemy: 'egg / testicle'.

Rice 1978: 60, 135; Hoijer 1956: 222.

Arnold et al. 2009: 108; Holton 2000: 129, 346; Shinen 1958: 15. Polysemy: 'egg / round object'. Cf. the cognate verb =t=x̬èːs 'to be round 3D' q.v.

Milanowski 2009: 14, 73. Cf. the cognate verb =t=xia 'to be round' q.v.

    Northway: possr=xea-ʔ 'egg' [Milanowski 2007: 7].

    Scottie Creek: possr=xìa-ʔ 'egg' [John 1997: 7].

Kari 1994: 123, 396. Polysemy: 'egg / testicles'. Cf. the cognate verbs: =t=ɣaʂ 'to nest, sit on nest of eggs', =l=ɣaʂ 'to be round 3D' [Kari 1994: 123].

Poser 1998/2013: 225, 694; Poser 2011a: 79; Antoine et al. 1974: 24. Polysemy: 'egg / testicles'.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 236, 897; Jones 1978: 55. Cf. the cognate verb =t=ʁǝs 'to be round 3D' q.v.

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 14. Verbal form, although structural details are not entirely clear; possibly contains the classificatory verb =lo 'to handle pl. obj.' [Kari 1978: 34].

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 71; Hoijer 1956: 222.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 774; Golla 1996: 32. Polysemy: 'eye / large seed, pit'. Synchronically, the root is to be defined as naː (not naːʔ, which should yield phonetic naʔ), as can be seen in some compounds like possr=naː-tʼuŋʔ 'eyelash' etc. [Sapir & Golla 2001: 773; Golla 1964: 112; Golla 1996: 32] and the adverbial forms like possr=naː 'waiting for possr', possr=naː-ɬ 'in the presence of possr' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 773].

Li 1930: 128. Cf. the variant naʔ found in compounds like possr=naʔ-tʰˈoʔ 'tears' [Li 1930: 128] (with tʰoʔ 'water' q.v.), possr=naʔ-cʰˈeʔs 'eyelid' [Li 1930: 131] (with =cʰˈeʔs 'skin' q.v.) and the verbal incorporated morpheme naː- 'referring to the eye' [Li 1930: 58]. The phonetic relationship between the variants in -g- and -ʔ- is not entirely clear.

    Bear River dialect: possr=nag-e ~ possr=naɣ-eʔ 'eye' [Goddard 1929: 316].

Goddard 1912: 22; Curtis 1924: 201.

Hoijer 1973: 53; Hoijer 1956: 223. Cf. this root in the compound possr=taː-tʰoː 'tears' (lit. 'eye water' with tʰoː 'water' q.v.) [Landar 1977: 294].

Kari 2007: 88, 349; Kari 1977: 97.

Kari 2007: 88, 349; Kari 1977: 97. This form is obscure (so-called "elite replacement"). Kari explains this as possr=ǝɬ=tʰuʁ-ʔa with the literal translation 'liquid that is with him' [Kari 2007: 88] or 'liquid-grease that is with one' [Kari 1996: 61]. Kari may be implying possr=ǝɬ 'with X' (the postposition -ǝɬ 'with') plus the substantive ƛʰǝʁ 'oil, grease' (see notes on 'fat') - the latter morpheme was simplified (ƛʰǝʁ > tʰuʁ). However, we tentatively prefer to leave =ǝɬtʰuʁ- without analysis.

Kari 2007: 88, 349; Kari 1977: 97; Wassillie 1979: 34.

Kari 2007: 88, 349; Kari 1977: 97.

Kari 1990: 297, 517; Kari & Buck 1975: 61; Smelcer 2010: 45.

    Lower Ahtena: possr=neːq-eʔ [Kari 1990: 297, 517; Kari & Buck 1975: 61; Smelcer 2010: 45].

    Western Ahtena: possr=neːq-eʔ [Kari 1990: 297, 517; Kari & Buck 1975: 61; Smelcer 2010: 45].

Kari 1990: 297, 517; Kari & Buck 1975: 61; Smelcer 2010: 45.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 39, 163. Polysemy: 'eye / eyesight'. Innovative pronunciation: possr=tàː; in compounds, the shape =ná- is retained, e.g., possr=ná-tʰì 'tears', lit. 'eye's water' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 45].

Rice 1978: 43, 136; Hoijer 1956: 222.

Arnold et al. 2009: 112; Holton 2000: 343; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 23; McRoy 1973: 8; Shinen 1958: 3. The incorporated variant: ⁿdàːx- [Holton 2000: 258].

Milanowski 2009: 20, 69. Final -ŋʔ is the izafet exponent.

    Northway: possr=n^daːɣ-ŋʔ 'eye' [Milanowski 2007: 7].

    Scottie Creek: possr=n^dàːk 'eye' [John 1997: 12].

Kari 1994: 197, 400; Tuttle 2009: 71. Polysemy: 'eye / month'.

Poser 1998/2013: 291, 702; Antoine et al. 1974: 37, 307. Plural: possr=na 'eyes'. The suffix -kʼʌz means 'one member of a natural pair' [Poser 1998/2013: 1269], but it must be noted that the related substantive ʔʌ=kʼʌz̪ 'half' has a different phonetic shape [Poser 1998/2013: 56] (although in [Antoine et al. 1974: 31], this word is quoted as ʔʌ=kʼʌz).

Jetté & Jones 2000: 487, 902; Jones 1978: 57. Polysemy: 'eye / month' (i.e., 'moon' as 'eye'?).

    Distinct from the more specific and rare term noqʼo 'eye-substance or material' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 487]. Jetté explains the difference between possr=noːʁ-ǝʔ and noqʼo as follows: "The Ten'a use both noːʁǝʔ and noqʼo, to designate the eye, the former for the eye-substance or material, the latter for the eye-place or location".

Taff et al. 2007. This word is glossed in [Taff et al. 2007] as 'person's eye', i.e., applicable to humans, although instances where possr=naːqʼaː is applied to mythical animals have also been found: "My eye is red" [Taff et al. 2007], "then, squirrel, his eye, began to cry" [Leonard 2007: 55], "his [raven's] eyes turned white" [Chapman 1914: 118]. Cf. the derivative naːqʼaː-t as 'eye socket' [Kari 1978: 33] (final -t is apparently the same locative suffix as Koyukon -t).

    The second candidate is possr=maːq, glossed simply as 'eye' in [Kari 1978: 33], but specified as 'something's eye' [Taff et al. 2007], i.e., applicable to animals, cf. the only found example: "Big moose eye".

    Additionally, there is an older root for 'eye', naː- and naːχ- ~ noːχ- ~ nʊχ-, retained in verbal incorporation or as the first element of nominal compounds, e.g., na=ɬ=ʰǝƛ 'he has his eyes shut' [Taff et al. 2007], nʊχ-t^θʼʊq 'glasses (lit. eye dish)' [Taff et al. 2007], possr=naːχ-toː-ʔ 'eye lid' [Kari 1978: 33], possr=naː-yeːd 'eyeball, pupil' [Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 33] (final -yeːd is apparently the same locative suffix as Koyukon -yǝt), etc. Cf. also the attested examples with possr=naː-yeːd 'eyeball' where it functions as a generic term: "His eyes are bloodshot" [Taff et al. 2007], "They washed him [a raven-like child], and dressed him in a fine parka, and he stared with those big eyes of his" [Chapman 1914: 114].

    It seems that the basic term possr=naːqʼaː 'eye' is related to Koyukon noqʼo 'eye-substance or material', representing a semantic innovation in Degexit'an, although the old root naː(χ) is still retained in compounds. It is, however, quite probable that the vocalism of possr=naːqʼaː has been influenced by naː(χ)-. The rare term possr=maːq 'eye (of animal)' seems to be of unclear origin.

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 70; Hoijer 1956: 222. Polysemy: 'eye / moon'.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 780; Golla 1996: 33. Glossed as 'fat (on smb.'s body)', but the following example proves that =qʼah is more widely applicable: "On looking closer he was surprised to see that her dress was (made) of deer fat" [Goddard 1904: 164, 168]. The corresponding verb =qʼah (< *=qʼaːh) / =qʼaːw (< *=qʼaːh-i) means 'to be fat' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 780; Golla 1996: 33; Golla 1970: 139], but its application is unclear.

Li 1930: 130. Glossed simply as 'fat'. Quoted as ʔi=kʼah with the indefinite possessive pronoun ʔi-, for which see notes on 'meat'.

    Distinct from kʰeː, which is glossed as 'fat, lard' in [Li 1930: 130] and probably represents a more specific term.

    Bear River dialect: not attested.

Goddard 1912: 20, 110. Synchronically, used without obligatory possessor prefixes. Historically, a contraction from *kʰʷ=kʼah ‘smb’s/smth’s fat’ (with the fossilized indefinite possessive pronoun kʰʷ-, for which see [Goddard 1912: 21]). Cf. the cognate verb =kʼah (< *=kʼax) / =kʼaɣ (< *=kʼax-i) 'to be fat' [Goddard 1912: 18, 79].

Hoijer 1973: 61; Hoijer 1956: 223; Landar 1977: 294. Initial čʼaː= in Hoijer's transcription is the indefinite possessive pronoun čʼa= [Hoijer 1966: 322] (the vowel lengthening a > aː in čʼaː=kʼah is, however, not clear). Cf. the cognate verb =kʼah 'to be fatty, greasy' [Hoijer 1973: 68].

Kari 2007: 13, 350; Kari 1977: 95.

Kari 2007: 13, 350; Kari 1977: 95.

Kari 2007: 13, 350; Kari 1977: 95; Wassillie 1979: 35. The second word quoted in [Wassillie 1979: 35] as a generic term for 'fat' is possr=tiɬkʰiti, for which see notes on Common Tanaina.

Kari 2007: 13, 350; Kari 1977: 95.

Kari 1990: 252, 518; Kari & Buck 1975: 60; Smelcer 2010: 44.

    Lower Ahtena: possr=qʼaχ [Kari 1990: 252, 518; Kari & Buck 1975: 60; Smelcer 2010: 44].

    Western Ahtena: possr=qʼaχ [Kari 1990: 252, 518; Kari & Buck 1975: 60; Smelcer 2010: 44].

Kari 1990: 252, 518; Kari & Buck 1975: 60; Smelcer 2010: 44.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 30, 43, 164. Glossed as 'fat, body fat' with the example "My mother is going to keep the fat to make lard"; applicable to both animals and humans. Cf. the cognate verb =kʼá 'to be fat' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 69].

    Distinct from possr=ƛʰéh, glossed as 'lard, grease, oil, gasoline, fuel, ointment' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 100].

Rice 1978: 68, 137.

    Distinct from ɬè 'lard, gas, oil, grease' [Rice 1978: 149] (alienable possession).

Arnold et al. 2009: 115; Holton 2000: 343; Shinen 1958: 15. Glossed as 'fat (food)'. The weakening of the final fricative -x > -h is irregular. The verb =l=kʼàːx 'to be fat' (applicable to humans) is based on this noun.

    Distinct from čʼè=čʰáːʒ-ʔ 'rendered fat' [Arnold et al. 2009: 115; Holton 2000: 343] (initial čʼè= is the indefinite possessive pronoun).

    Distinct from xéː, glossed as 'grease, lard' in [Arnold et al. 2009: 137].

Milanowski 2009: 14, 74. Cf. the cognate verb =l=kʼaː 'to be fat' [Milanowski 2009: 45].

    Distinct from xey, glossed as 'lard, grease, oil' in [Milanowski 2009: 28].

    Scottie Creek: possr=kʼah 'fat' [John 1997: 12], xeː, possr=x̬è-ʔ 'grease' [John 1997: 41].

Kari 1994: 171, 401.

    A difficult case with two candidates for the slot:

    1) possr=kʼʊx, glossed simply as 'fat' [Kari 1994: 171, 401] without semantic specification and textual examples; cf. the cognate verb =l=kʼʌx 'to be fat' [Kari 1994: 171].

    2) xa, possr=ɣa-ʔ, glossed as 'grease, lard' in [Kari 1994: 122] and 'fat, grease' in [Tuttle 2009: 73]. This term is more widely used, judging by data in [Kari 1994; Tuttle 2009], cf. the example: "They eat bear fat with crackers, dry meat". The cognate verb is =ɬ=ɣa 'to be greasy' [Kari 1994: 122].

    We have to treat possr=kʼʊx and xa as synonyms.

    Distinct from more specific terms: possr=cʰʌyu-ʔ 'abdominal fat, abdominal lining' [Kari 1994: 48, 341, 401] (probably derived from possr=cʰʌn̥ 'viscera, abdomen' with unclear -yu), possr=a-nʌƛ 'fat around heart, pericardium' [Kari 1994: 97, 401; Tuttle 2009: 73] (< a- 'heart', nʌƛ *'sack'), possr=tʰul-kʰac-aʔ 'fat in stomach' [Kari 1994: 152, 401] (morphologically unclear).

Poser 1998/2013: 219, 706; Poser 2011a: 84; Antoine et al. 1974: 30, 308. Cf. Antoine et al.'s example: "When we prepare meat (drying and smoking) we fry the fat (=kʼo) for its grease (=ɣe)". Cf. the cognate verb =l=kʼa ~ =ɬ=kʼa 'to be fat' [Poser 1998/2013: 706, 1221, 1256; Antoine et al. 1974: 308] (as in the example "He is fat").

    Distinct from xe ~ possr=ɣe-(ʔ) 'lard, grease, oil' [Poser 1998/2013: 224; Antoine et al. 1974: 124]. Cf. the above example with 'fat' plus "He fries with grease only", "He treats his boots with oil" [Antoine et al. 1974: 124].

Jetté & Jones 2000: 368, 904; Jones 1978: 59. Glossed as 'fat, suet, tallow'. Cf. the cognate verb =l=qʼoχ 'to be fat (of animal, meat)' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 368].

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 32; Chapman 1914: 230. Cf. some examples: "I make ice cream with moose fat" [Taff et al. 2007], "And when it was day, she brought in her fine parka, the clean one, the best she had. Deer-fat too, and berries, she brought in" 108, "They did not sleep, for filling him up with deer-fat" [Chapman 1914: 114], "Below the place, deer-bones had been thrown over the bank. Below the bones there was a great quantity of fat" [Chapman 1914: 119]. Cf. the cognate verb =qʼʊχ 'to be fat' [Kari 1976: 44; Chapman 1914: 230].

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 69. Cf. the example: "Then all wood he put on the fire. The old man said, 'All meat fat even cook'. Then all was cooked" [Goddard 1915: 251].

    Distinct from xɒ́ / possr=ɣɒ́h-ɒ̀ʔ 'grease' [Hoijer & Joël 1963: 67].

Kari 1994: 122; Tuttle 2009: 73.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 743; Golla 1996: 33; Golla 1964: 114. Polysemy: 'feather / wing / fin'. Cf. also a different descriptive term possr=cʼi-s-kʸeː-ʔ 'fine feathers, down' [Sapir & Golla 2001: 753; Golla 1996: 33] from the bound verbal root =s=kʸe 'to be fuzzy'(?) [Sapir & Golla 2001: 752].

Li 1930: 128. Synchronically, should be analyzed as =tʼaː-ʔ (where the final glottal-stop is the old izafet exponent) rather than =tʼaʔ: cf. the cognate verb =tʼaː 'to feather an arrow' [Li 1930: 91].

    Bear River dialect: tʼaŋ 'feather' [Goddard 1929: 316]. Apparently secondary < ‘leaf’ (cf. Mattole proper possr=tʼˈaŋʔ ‘leaf’ q.v.).

Goddard 1912: 20, 100. Used without obligatory possessor prefixes. Cf. the cognate verb =tʼa 'to feather an arrow' [Goddard 1912: 82, 100].

Hoijer 1956: 223; Landar 1977: 294. It must be noted that in [Hoijer 1973: 55], there are such forms as tʼalkai 'tail or wing feather' and suffixed tʼalkay-ah 'short body feathers', which actually represent the collocation tʼa-lkai 'white feather' (with ɬ=kai 'white' q.v.).

    Cf. the cognate verb =tʼah 'to feather an arrow' [Hoijer 1973: 66].

Kari 2007: 39, 350; Kari 1977: 52.

Kari 2007: 39, 350; Kari 1977: 52.

Kari 2007: 39, 350; Kari 1977: 52; Wassillie 1979: 35.

Kari 2007: 39, 350; Kari 1977: 52.

Kari 1990: 339, 519; Kari & Buck 1975: 25; Smelcer 2010: 43.

    Lower Ahtena: tʼaː [Kari 1990: 339, 519; Kari & Buck 1975: 25; Smelcer 2010: 43].

    Western Ahtena: tʼaː [Kari 1990: 339, 519; Kari & Buck 1975: 25; Smelcer 2010: 43].

Kari 1990: 339, 519; Kari & Buck 1975: 25; Smelcer 2010: 43.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 99, 164. Possessed form: possr=tʼàː.

    Distinct from čʰóh (possessed: possr=čʰòː) 'feathers; down feathers' [Saxon & Siemens 1996: 8, 107].

Rice 1978: 99, 137; Hoijer 1956: 222.

    Distinct from šò, possr=šór-éʔ 'down, feathers' [Rice 1978: 93; Rice 1989: 215] (alienable possession).

Holton 2000: 343; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 5; McRoy 1973: 4.

    Differently in [Arnold et al. 2009: 116], where the possessed form possr=tʼã̌ː-ʔ 'feather' is quoted - in fact, with polysemy: 'leaf / feather'. The same form possr=tʼãː-ʔ is also attested in [Brean & Milanowski 1979: 5] with the gloss 'wing' (it should be noted that the actual Tanacross term for 'wing' is possr=ìn=cʼěn-ʔ [Arnold et al. 2009: 295; Holton 2000: 348]). Apparently, the old term tʼàː 'feather' is currently being superseded with possr=tʼã̌ː-ʔ 'leaf'. We treat both terms as synonyms.

    Distinct from čʰùy̥ 'down' [Arnold et al. 2009: 116; Holton 2000: 343; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 5; McRoy 1973: 4].

Milanowski 2009: 26, 74. Polysemy: 'feather / wing'.

    Distinct from čʰuy̥ 'short feathers, down feathers' [Milanowski 2009: 13].

    Northway: possr=tʼaː-ʔ with polysemy: 'feather / wing' [Milanowski 2007: 8, 19].

    Scottie Creek: čʰuy̥ 'feather', distinct from possr=tʼàː-ʔ 'wing' [John 1997: 7].

Kari 1994: 256, 402; Tuttle 2009: 75. Possessed: possr=tʼʌ-ʔ. Glossed as 'feather, wing or tail feather'.

    Distinct from collective possr=ɣʌ-ʔ with polysemy: 'hair / fur / feathers' [Kari 1994: 129].

    Distinct from čʰut^θ 'down feathers' [Kari 1994: 50], čʼǝ=čʰǝs-ka-ʔ 'down feathers' [Kari 1994: 46] (čʼǝ= is the indefinite possessive pronoun, -ka is a nominal suffix [Kari 1994: 106]).

Poser 1998/2013: 474, 707; Poser 2011a: 84. Meaning specifically 'wing feather' with polysemy: 'wing feather / wing' (in [Antoine et al. 1974: 44] only as 'wing').

    Distinct from c̪ʼʌz̪ 'breast feathers, down' [Poser 1998/2013: 510] (in [Antoine et al. 1974: 238, 308] this word is quoted as a generic term for 'feather').

Jetté & Jones 2000: 552, 904; Jones 1978: 59. Meaning specifically 'quill, large feather, wing or tail feather'. Possessed: possr=tʼoː-ʔ ~ possr=tʼoːnʔ, the latter form possr=tʼoːnʔ with polysemy: 'feather / leaf'.

    Distinct from possr=kʰuːƛ-ǝʔ 'small feathers, down feathers; fluffy, soft material' [Jetté & Jones 2000: 305].

Taff et al. 2007; Kari 1978: 14. Cf. the examples: "Dance fans are made with swan feathers" [Taff et al. 2007], "I will tie a feather to his hair" [Chapman 1914: 107]. Morphologically unclear, cf. the verb =t^θʼǝθ 'to caulk, chink'; final -kǝ may be the same as the desemanticized nominal suffix -kǝ in Koyukon.

    'Down, soft feathers' is expressed by the collocation possr=t^θʼǝθ-kǝ kʰeːdᶞ [Taff et al. 2007] with kʰeːd^ð 'soft', or simply as possr=kʰeːd^ð [Kari 1978: 14].

    Distinct from the more specific terms possr=tʼoː-ʔ 'large feather' [Kari 1978: 14].

Hoijer & Joël 1963: 67; Hoijer 1956: 222; Nanagusja 1996b: 117, 121. Paradigm: tʼáh ~ tʼɒh / possr=tʼáɣ-ɒ̀ʔ ~ possr=tʼɒɣ-a (forms in ɒ are from [Nanagusja 1996b]). Polysemy: 'feather / wing'. Cf. such examples as "has wings, then plucks a feather" [Nanagusja 1996b: 148], "Hawk feathers are tied on the sword handle" [Goddard 1915: 207].

    Distinct from possr=cʰús-ɒ̀ʔ which is glossed as 'feather' in [Hoijer & Joël 1963: 71], but apparently this word is to be read possr=cʼús-ɒ̀ʔ 'soft feathers, down' as follows from the transcription and translation in [Goddard 1915: 215].

Arnold et al. 2009: 116.

Jetté & Jones 2000: 552.

Sapir & Golla 2001: 803; Golla 1996: 35.

Li 1930: 130. Cf. the cognate verb =kʰoŋʔ 'to sit down by the fire to warm one's self' [Li 1930: 105].

    Bear River dialect: kʰoŋʔ ~ kʰonʔ 'fire' [Goddard 1929: 316].

Goddard 1912: 20; Curtis 1924: 205.

Hoijer 1973: 57; Hoijer 1956: 223; Landar 1977: 294. Cf. the cognate verb =kʰʷanʔ 'to warm oneself at the fire' [Hoijer 1973: 68].

Kari 2007: 248, 350; Kari 1977: 131.

Kari 2007: 248, 350; Kari 1977: 131.

Kari 2007: 248, 350; Kari 1977: 131; Wassillie 1979: 38.

Kari 2007: 248, 350; Kari 1977: 131.

Kari 1990: 244, 520; Kari & Buck 1975: 97; Smelcer 2010: 67.

    Lower Ahtena: qʰõʔ [Kari 1990: 244, 520; Kari & Buck 1975: 97; Smelcer 2010: 67].

    Western Ahtena: qʰonʔ [Kari 1990: 244, 520; Kari & Buck 1975: 97; Smelcer 2010: 67].

Kari 1990: 244, 520; Kari & Buck 1975: 97; Smelcer 2010: 67.

Saxon & Siemens 1996: 58, 165. Polysemy: 'fire / campfire'.

Rice 1978: 66, 138; Hoijer 1956: 222. Possessed form: possr=kʰón-éʔ. Polysemy: 'fire / match'.

Arnold et al. 2009: 118, 172; Holton 2000: 343; Brean & Milanowski 1979: 16; McRoy 1973: 7; Shinen 1958: 12. Polysemy: 'fire / matches'.

Milanowski 2009: 18, 74. Polysemy: 'fire / match'.

    Northway: kʰɯnʔ 'fire / match' [Milanowski 2007: 8].

    Scottie Creek: kʰònʔ 'fire' [John 1997: 33].

Kari 1994: 159, 403; Tuttle 2009: 77. Possessed form: possr=kʰʊn-aʔ. Polysemy: 'fire / matches'. Cf. the cognate verb =n=ɬ=kʰʊnʔ 'to be clear, bright' [Kari 1994: 159].